Apr 252013
 

One in five data breaches are the result of cyberespionage, Verizon says

Verizon’s data breach investigations report covering 2012 includes information on cyberespionage-related breaches for the first time

Computer World
by Lucian Constantin
April 22, 2013

China leads in 2013 Data Breach Investigation Report

China leads in 2013 Data Breach Investigation Report

 

IDG News Service –

While the majority of data breaches are the result of financially motivated cybercriminal attacks, cyberespionage activities are also responsible for a significant number of data theft incidents, according to a report that will be released Tuesday by Verizon.

Verizon’s 2013 Data Breach Investigations Report (DBIR) covers data breaches investigated during 2012 by the company’s RISK Team and 18 other organizations from around the globe, including national computer emergency response teams (CERTs) and law enforcement agencies. The report compiles information from more than 47,000 security incidents and 621 confirmed data breaches that resulted in at least 44 million compromised records.

In addition to including the largest number of sources to date, the report is also Verizon’s first to contain information on breaches resulting from state-affiliated cyberespionage attacks. This kind of attack targets intellectual property and accounted for 20% of the data breaches covered by the report.

In more than 95% of cases the cyberespionage attacks originated from China, said Jay Jacobs, a senior analyst with the Verizon RISK team. The team tried to be very thorough regarding attribution and used different known indicators that linked the techniques and malware used in those breaches back to known Chinese hacker groups, he said.

However, it would be naive to assume that cyberespionage attacks only come from China, Jacobs said. “It just so happens that the data we were able to collect for 2012 reflected more Chinese actors than from anywhere else.”

The more interesting aspects of these attacks were the types of tactics used, as well as the size and industry of the targeted organizations, the analyst said.

“Typically what we see in our data set are financially motivated breaches, so the targets usually include retail organizations, restaurants, food-service-type firms, banks and financial institutions,” Jacobs said. “When we looked at the espionage cases, those industries suddenly dropped down to the bottom of the list and we saw mostly targets with a large amount of intellectual property like organizations from the manufacturing and professional services industries, computer and engineering consultancies, and so on.”

A surprising finding was the almost fifty-fifty split between the number of large organizations and small organizations that experienced breaches related to cyberespionage, the analyst said.

“When we thought of espionage, we thought of big companies and the large amount of intellectual property they have, but there were many small organizations targeted with the exact same tactics,” Jacobs said.

There is a lot of intelligence-gathering involved in the selection of targets by these espionage groups, Jacobs said. “We think that they pick the small organizations because of their affiliation or work with larger organizations.”

In comparison to cyberespionage, financially motivated cybercrime was responsible for 75% of data breach incidents covered in the report and hacktivists were behind the remaining 5%.

One noteworthy finding of this report is that all threat actors are targeting valid credentials, Jacobs said. In four out of five breaches, the attackers stole valid credentials to maintain a presence on the victim’s network, he said.

This will hopefully start to raise some questions about the widespread reliance on single-factor password-based authentication, Jacobs said. “I think if we switch to two-factor authentication and stop being so reliant on passwords, we might see a decrease in the number of these attacks or at least force the attackers to change” some of their techniques.

Fifty-two percent of data breach incidents involved hacking techniques, 40% involved the use of malware, 35% the use of physical attacks — for example ATM skimming — and 29% the use of social tactics like phishing.

The number of breaches that involved phishing was four times higher in 2012 compared to the previous year, which is probably the result of this technique being commonly used in targeted espionage campaigns.

Despite all the attention given to mobile threats during the past year, only a very small number of breaches covered by the Verizon report involved the use of mobile devices.

“For the most part, we are not seeing breaches leverage mobile devices as of yet,” Jacobs said. “That’s a pretty interesting finding that’s kind of counter-intuitive in light of all the headlines saying how insecure mobile devices are. That’s not to say they’re not vulnerable, but the attackers currently have other easier methods to get the data.”

The same holds true for cloud technologies, Jacobs said. While there have been some breaches involving systems that are hosted in the cloud, they were not the result of attacks exploiting cloud technologies, he said. “If your site is vulnerable to SQL injection, it doesn’t matter where it’s hosted — in the cloud or locally. The kind of breaches we’re seeing would occur regardless of whether the system would be in the cloud or not.”

The Verizon report includes a list of 20 critical security controls that should be implemented by companies and which are mapped to the most prevalent threat actions identified in the analyzed dataset. However, the level to which every company should implement each control depends on the industry they’re part of and the type of attacks they’re likely to be more exposed to.

Direct Link:  http://www.computerworld.com/s/article/9238611/One_in_five_data_breaches_are_the_result_of_cyberespionage_Verizon_says?taxonomyId=82&pageNumber=1

 

Dec 042012
 

1.3M Cellphone Snooping Requests Yearly? It’s Time for Privacy and Transparency Laws

 

WIRED
by Davit Kravits
July 11, 2012

Cellular Tower

 

The nation’s mobile carriers weren’t kidding in April when they told California lawmakers that they were working “day and night” responding to police inquiries for subscriber information, such as locational data of where the phone was when it made and received calls.

That, they said, made them just too busy to have to report publicly how often they get such requests, and the politically powerful carriers ultimately defeated California legislation requiring them to do so.

But now it’s time for that requirement — as well as increased protection for Americans’ private data — to be made the law of the land.

On Monday, Rep. Edward Markey (D-Massachusetts), as part of a congressional probe, divulged statistics about the number of requests made to cellphone providers, for the first time ever revealing that the carriers assisted law enforcement an eye-popping 1.3 million times last year alone in dishing out subscriber information like text messages, location data and calling records.

There is no oversight at all of these tower dumps

And there was more disturbing information. AT&T revealed it charges a mere $75 for a “tower dump,” which tells police what mobile phones pinged a tower in a given time period, though we have no idea how often this happens or whether police store or share that data.

The nine responding companies to Markey — which reported about a 15 percent annual increase in government demands for subscriber information, did not disclose how many of these so-called tower dumps they performed. The dumps provide to law enforcement any cell phone number that has pinged a tower in a given time frame.

“There is no oversight at all of these tower dumps,” said Christopher Soghoian, a privacy expert. “We don’t know how many tower dumps, or what the government does with the data.”

The big four companies — AT&T, Sprint, T-Mobile, Verizon — and the five others need to report how often they perform these, as thousands of innocent people, including those exercising their rights to protest, can be swept up by such an order, and there’s no warrant required to get them.

AT&T also revealed that it receives more than 200 “exigent” requests a day — a sworn declaration from an officer that there’s an emergency — in which case AT&T hands over the data without a judge approving. That’s 79,300 in 2011, up from 25,000 in 2007.

What gives? Is this because more people have cell phones? Have we become a nation rife with emergencies or is it possible that police are abusing this power?

What’s apparent from the numbers and the questions they raise is that an informed citizenry can’t afford not to know how often and how the government gets access to the data nearly all of us generate daily as we lug our smartphones around everywhere.

In fact, the hodgepodge of data reported by the nine carriers leaves it unclear whether police are routinely violating Americans’ constitutional right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures.

That’s because the law is murky at best about whether warrants are required for certain things, like locational tracking information that documents when and where a mobile phone pings cell towers or makes calls.

That makes it all the more important for Congress to fix those laws. And lawmakers need to require the nation’s carriers, who rent the public airwaves, to regularly report in detail how often they get such requests for data and how they respond.

“The data cries out for a public reporting requirement,” said Greg Nojeim, a director with the Center for Democracy & Technology.

There’s clear precedent for this information, and gross statistics wouldn’t endanger the public. The Justice Department, by law, has to report annually how often they use National Security Letters, obtain espionage and terrorism-related FISA wiretaps, as well as more run-of-the-mill phone tracking methods known as trap-and-traces and pen registers.

The nation’s court system also makes public every year the number of criminal wiretaps employed by federal, state and local officials.

The carriers could easily be required to be publish detailed data annually and made available to the public.

And the lawmakers can also do the carriers a favor by finally clarifying what protections Americans’ data has — and what the FBI and other law enforcement groups need to do to get the data.

As Voyan McCann, a Sprint vice president, said in a letter to Rep. Edward Markey (D-Massachusetts), it’s hard for a mobile phone service provider to know whether it is being properly served, since the legal standard of whether a probable-cause warrant was needed for locational information is murky — and varies across the country.

“Given the importance of this issue, the competing and at times contradictory legal standards, Sprint believes Congress should clarify the legal requirements for disclosure of all types of location information to law enforcement personnel,” McCann wrote wrote (.pdf).

Markey, who co-chairs the Congressional BiPartisan Privacy Caucus, asked the carriers in May for the number of times they supply information to law enforcement, and under what circumstances. Markey released the responses Monday.

The American Civil Liberties Union seized on the revelations too, urging lawmakers to pass the Geolocation Privacy and Surveillance Act, which is pending in the House and Senate. It would require a probable-cause warrant for locational tracking information — and not leave it up to the whims of judges, prosecutors or the carriers.

“Whether they realize it or not, Americans are carrying tracking devices with them wherever they go. Today’s new information makes it clear that law enforcement has carte blanche to follow the trail they leave behind,” Christopher Calabrese, the ACLU’s legislative counsel, said in a statement.

Warrantless locational tracking of Americans is now a legal battleground following the Supreme Court’s decision in January requiring the authorities to obtain a warrant before affixing a GPS device to a vehicle and tracking its every move.

Battling to keep that ruling firewalled to vehicle tracking, the Justice Department claims it needs no warrant to acquire the GPS locational data from a cell phone — and instead only needs to show that the information sought is “relevant and material” to an investigation.

The Supreme Court said the act of affixing the GPS device to a vehicle amounted to a search. But when the phone — the GPS device — is already in somebody’s pocket, there’s no search and no warrant needed, the government argues, “because there is no trespass or physical intrusion on a customer’s cellphone.”

The administration also claims that, because the locational data is maintained by a third party, (.pdf) Americans have no expectation that it would be kept private. The Supreme Court has not decided the issue.

Congress, however, can and should settle it and require police to get a probable-cause warrant — which will make it clear to all what legal standards should be followed.

“The lack of clarity in the law has put providers in a tough spot and has put law enforcement in a tough spot and has put consumers in an impossible spot. When nobody knows the rules, because the rules haven’t yet been set, nobody wins,” Nojeim said.

And unless Markey keeps getting re-elected and demanding the information every year, Americans have no way to know what data  is being doled out by their mobile phone provider or how often the government requests it.

That’s not a healthy way to run a democracy.

 

Direct Link:  http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2012/07/mobile-data-transparency/all/

Oct 172012
 

Do Not Track? Advertisers Say ‘Don’t Tread on Us’

 

The New York Times
by Natasha Singer
October 13, 2012

 

 

THE campaign to defang the “Do Not Track” movement began late last month.

Do Not Track mechanisms are features on browsers — like Mozilla’s Firefox — that give consumers the option of sending out digital signals asking companies to stop collecting information about their online activities for purposes of targeted advertising.

First came a stern letter from nine members of the House of Representatives to the Federal Trade Commission, questioning its involvement with an international group called the World Wide Web Consortium, or W3C, which is trying to work out global standards for the don’t-track-me features. The legislators said they were concerned that these options for consumers might restrict “the flow of data at the heart of the Internet’s success.”

Next came an incensed open letter from the board of the Association of National Advertisers to Steve Ballmer, the C.E.O. of Microsoft, and two other company officials. Microsoft had committed a grievous infraction, wrote executives from Dell, I.B.M., Intel, Visa, Verizon, Wal-Mart and other major corporations, by making Do Not Track the default option in the company’s forthcoming Internet Explorer 10 browser. If consumers chose to stay with that option, the letter warned, they could prevent companies from collecting data on up to 43 percent of browsers used by Americans.

“Microsoft’s action is wrong. The entire media ecosystem has condemned this action,” the letter said. “In the face of this opposition and the reality of the harm that your actions could create, it is time to realign with the broader business community by providing choice through a default of ‘off’ on your browser’s ‘do not track’ setting.”

So far, Microsoft has shrugged off advertisers’ complaints. In an e-mailed statement, Brendon Lynch, Microsoft’s chief privacy officer, said a recent company study of computer users in the United States and Europe concluded that 75 percent wanted Microsoft to turn on the Do Not Track mechanism.

“Consumers want and expect strong privacy protection to be built into Microsoft products and services,” Mr. Lynch wrote.

The tone of the industry offensive may seem a bit strident, given that the W3C has yet to decide how to implement the don’t-track-me mechanisms — or even what they signify. For the moment, that means the browser buttons are little more than digital bumper stickers whose sentiments companies are free to embrace or entirely ignore.

But what is really at stake here is the future of the surveillance economy.

The advent of Do Not Track threatens the barter system wherein consumers allow sites and third-party ad networks to collect information about their online activities in exchange for open access to maps, e-mail, games, music, social networks and whatnot. Marketers have been fighting to preserve this arrangement, saying that collecting consumer data powers effective advertising tailored to a user’s tastes. In turn, according to this argument, those tailored ads enable smaller sites to thrive and provide rich content.

“If we do away with this relevant advertising, we are going to make the Internet less diverse, less economically successful, and frankly, less interesting,” says Mike Zaneis, the general counsel for the Interactive Advertising Bureau, an industry group.

But privacy advocates argue that in a digital ecosystem where there may be dozens of third-party entities on an individual Web page, compiling and storing information about what a user reads, searches for, clicks on or buys, consumers should understand data mining’s potential costs to them and have the ability to opt out.

“If you are looking up the word ‘cancer’ ” on a health site, says Dan Auerbach, a staff technologist at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a digital rights group in San Francisco, “there’s a high probability that you have cancer or are interested in that. This is the sort of data that can be collected.” He adds: “Consumers absolutely have a right to know how their information is being used and to opt out of having their information used in ways they don’t like.”

But the two sides seem to have reached an impasse. When the W3C met recently in Amsterdam to hammer out Do Not Track standards, as my colleague Kevin J. O’Brien reported in an article earlier this month, advertising industry executives and privacy advocates accused each other of trying to stymie the process.

“There is a strong concern that the W3C is not the right forum to be making this decision,” says Rachel Thomas, the vice president of government affairs at the Direct Marketing Association, a trade group based in Manhattan. “The attempt to set public policy is entirely outside their area of expertise.”

During the Amsterdam meeting, Ms. Thomas proposed that Do Not Track signals should actually permit data collection for advertising purposes, the very thing the mechanisms were designed to control. That provocative idea went over with European privacy advocates about as well as a smoker lighting up in a no-smoking zone full of asthmatics.

Indeed, some prominent consumer advocates have interpreted the industry’s proposal as an act of bad faith.

“While many advertisers do support privacy, there is clearly a rogue element of advertising networks that wants to subvert the process,” says Jon D. Leibowitz, the chairman of the Federal Trade Commission. “Or so it seems to me.”

Earlier this year at a White House event, the Digital Advertising Alliance, or D.A.A., an industry consortium, pledged to honor don’t-track-me signals so long as the systems required consumers to make an affirmative choice. But last Tuesday, the consortium published guidelines saying that it viewed Microsoft’s latest browser setting as an automatic, machine-driven choice preselected by a company — not a choice actively made by an individual consumer. During the installment process, Microsoft’s new software actually does give users a choice of whether to keep the mechanism on, or to turn it off. Nevertheless, the consortium said it would not require members to honor the forthcoming browser’s don’t-track-me signals.

Besides, the D.A.A. has already established its own program for consumers who want to opt out of receiving ads tailored to their online behavior, says Mr. Zaneis, whose own group is a member of that consortium. The consortium remains committed to incorporating browser signals into its program, he says, provided that the systems require consumers to make affirmative choices and give them information on the potential effects of eschewing tailored ads.

“We have self-regulation. It’s working very well,” he says. “Why don’t we give that a chance to succeed?”

SOME government officials vehemently disagree. In a letter to the F.T.C. earlier this month, Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Democrat of West Virginia, called the industry program an “ineffective regime” riddled with exceptions.

“To date, self-regulation for the purposes of consumer privacy protection has failed,” Mr. Rockefeller wrote.

Now regulators are warning that opposition to Do Not Track could backfire on advertisers, by giving browsers more incentive to empower frustrated users.“We might see a technology arms race with browsers racing to see — by letting consumers block ads — who can be the most privacy-protective,” says Mr. Leibowitz of the F.T.C. “Maybe that’s not a bad thing.”

 

Direct Link:  http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/14/technology/do-not-track-movement-is-drawing-advertisers-fire.html?ref=technology&_r=0

Sep 192012
 

Why the iPhone 5 on Verizon and Sprint Won’t Juggle Calls and Data

 

The New York Times / Bits
by Brian X. Chen
September 13, 2012

 

 

A lot has changed in Apple’s new iPhone. But with the Verizon Wireless and Sprint versions of the iPhone 5, there’s something that will remain the same from the old model: The phone still won’t be able to place a call and handle data activity over the cellular network at the same time.

Older Verizon and Sprint smartphones on 3G networks were not able to handle simultaneous calls and data because of a limitation in CDMA, the 3G technology that those networks use. But now some Verizon 4G LTE smartphones will let you stay on a phone call while looking up something in an app or checking e-mail. So why not the iPhone 5?

Brenda Raney, a Verizon Wireless spokeswoman, said it was Apple’s decision to design the iPhone 5 so that customers could make voice calls and do Internet activity simultaneously only over Wi-Fi, not over Verizon’s cell network. “The iPhone 5 is designed to allow customers to make voice calls on the Verizon Wireless network and surf the Web on Wi-Fi,” she said in an e-mail. “It was an Apple decision.”

The explanation for this, it turns out, is complicated. The technology in 4G LTE networks does not currently handle voice transmissions; it only does data. So when you place a phone call on a 4G LTE smartphone, it’s actually rolling back to the carrier’s older second- or third-generation network, according to AnandTech, a Web publication that does deep analysis on hardware.

That means when AT&T customers place a phone call and use data on the iPhone 5, both functions will roll back to AT&T’s older network, which can handle them simultaneously. When you place a phone call while using data in an app with a Verizon or Sprint iPhone 5, it will roll back to their older CDMA networks, which are not capable of simultaneously doing calls and data. And that’s why the iPhone 5 on Verizon and Sprint, despite being a 4G LTE device, will still not do both at the same time.

An Apple spokeswoman, Natalie Kerris, put it this way: “iPhone 5 supports simultaneous voice and data on GSM-based 3G and LTE networks. It is not yet possible to do simultaneous voice and data on networks that use CDMA for voice and LTE for data in a single radio design.”

So why does Verizon’s Samsung Galaxy S III, a 4G LTE phone, juggle calls and data? Samsung added an extra antenna so that it pulls data from the 4G LTE network at the same time that it’s using another antenna to do voice, said Anand Shimpi, editor in chief of AnandTech.

Then why didn’t Apple add another antenna? Its phone already has two antennas in an effort to improve reception, and it would have had to add a third antenna just for Verizon and Sprint phones to give them simultaneous data and calls, Mr. Shimpi explained. Leaving that third antenna out allows Apple to simplify the process of manufacturing the iPhone for multiple carriers. Plus, in the next two years, 4G LTE technology is supposed to evolve to support voice calls, which would render another antenna unnecessary.

Whew! Despite that explanation, the ability to do calls and data at the same time was one of the major things that AT&T’s iPhone customers had that Verizon’s and Sprint’s didn’t. And for now, that story remains the same with the iPhone 5 — which may be a consideration for customers considering a new phone on those networks.

 

Direct Link:  http://bits.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/09/13/iphone-5-calls-data/?ref=technology

 

 

 

 

Jun 042012
 

Report: Verizon’s 300 Mbps Web service to cost $200-plus monthly

Los Angeles Times
By Salvador Rodriguez
June 4, 2012

 

 

Verizon 

Verizon’s speedy new Internet service will come at a lofty price. (June 4, 2012)

Verizon announced last week that it’s boosting its Internet speeds to more than 300 Mbps, but this week, a report from the Verge says the price for those speeds will be equally shocking, at more than $200 per month.

Verizon’s 300 Mbps service, which can download a full-HD 2-gigabyte movie in less than three minutes, is set to become available this month, and it’ll be priced at $204.99 monthly, if you get it with a two-year plan.

That’s a lot of money for Internet service, and honestly, most users do not need that much speed. However, it’s also not a horrible deal. It’s only $5 more than Verizon’s current top speed, which has a half-as-fast download speed of 150 Mbps — making it a good deal for current top-speed users and overall heavy-duty Internet surfers.

But while its top plan is getting a jump, two of its other plans are keeping their base price — although you’ll have to get any of these plans with a two-year plan, otherwise you’ll be paying $5 extra per month.

It’s second-fastest service, with 150 Mbps download and 65 Mbps upload speeds, will cost the same as the $94.99 plan it replaces, which is one-third as fast when it comes to download speeds and less than one-third as fast when it comes to upload speeds.

Meanwhile the 50/25 plan will cost $74.99, which will download twice as fast as the plan it replaces, and in between the two previously mentioned services, will go the new 75/35 Mbps plan, which will cost $84.99.

But there’s bad news for users interested in Verizon’s slowest service, 15/5, as it will see a price hike of $10 despite not receiving an upgrade in speed of any kind. It’ll now cost $64.99.

The changes go into effect June 17, according to the Verge, which reported the news citing an anonymous Verizon employee. Verizon declined to comment.

 

RELATED:

Verizon boosting its home broadband speeds

Verizon backpedals on ending existing unlimited data plans

Verizon unlimited-data customers can keep plans — with a caveat

 

 

Direct Link:   http://www.latimes.com/business/technology/la-fi-tn-verizon-new-fios-prices-20120604,0,4686392.story