Aug 202012
 

Mexican Drug Trafficking (Mexico’s Drug War)

 

New York Times
June 12, 2012

 

 

 

Although Mexico has been a producer and transit route for illegal drugs for generations, the country now finds itself in a pitched battle with powerful and well-financed drug cartels.

In January 2012, the Mexican government reported that 47,515 people had been killed in drug-related violence since President Felipe Calderón began a military assault on criminal cartels soon after taking office in late 2006.

The official tally, provided by the attorney general’s office, included data only through September 2011, and it showed that drug-related killings increased 11 percent, to 12,903, compared with the same nine-month period in 2010. Still, a government statement sought to find a silver lining, asserting that it was the first year since 2006 “that the homicide rate increase has been lower compared to the previous years.”

But that was unlikely to calm a public scared by the arrival of grisly violence in once-safe cities like Guadalajara and in the region around Mexico City. 

In May 2012, the Mexican government detained three high-ranking Army generals, including a former second in command at the Defense Ministry, suggesting the depths to which drug cartels have gone in trying to infiltrate one of the primary forces Mr. Calderón has counted on to combat them.

The three generals, Mexican officials have said, played a role in facilitating drug trafficking, and the accusations against the third general include that he ignored a tip by American drug agents about an imminent airplane delivery of a drug cartel’s cocaine in December 2007.

One of the men arrested, Tomás Ángeles Dauahare, a general who retired in 2008, was the second-highest-ranking official in the Defense Ministry during the first two years of Mr. Calderón’s offensive against drug violence and had been mentioned as a possible choice for the top job. In the early 1990s, he served as the defense attaché at the Mexican Embassy in Washington.

 

Drug Money Hidden in Horse Racing, Say U.S. Authorities

A top drug trafficker’s brother —  José Treviño Morales — was behind a U.S. horse breeding operation, called Tremor Enterprises, that officials say laundered millions of dollars in drug money.

Mr. Treviño’s younger brother, Miguel Ángel Treviño Morales, is second in command of Mexico’s Zetas drug trafficking organization. The cartel’s lead enforcer — infamous for dismembering his victims while they are still alive — Miguel Treviño is one of the most wanted drug traffickers in the world.

The Trevino brothers’ company, Tremor, bought a sprawling ranch in Oklahoma and an estimated 300 stallions and mares. The brothers might have kept their operation quiet, given the criminal connection, but their passion for horses and winning apparently proved too tempting. In the short span of three years, Tremor won three of the industry’s biggest races, with prizes totaling some $2.5 million.

On June 12, 2012, the Justice Department moved against Tremor, dispatching several helicopters and hundreds of law enforcement agents to the company’s stables in Ruidoso and its ranch in Oklahoma. Jose Treviño and several associates were taken into custody and were expected to be charged later in the day, authorities said.

An affidavit prepared before the raids said the drug cartel Zetas funneled about $1 million a month into buying quarter horses in the United States. The authorities were tipped off to Tremor’s activities in January 2010, when the Zetas paid more than $1 million in a single day for two broodmares, the affidavit said.

The brothers’ activities on either side of the border made for a stark contrast. One week in May began with the authorities pointing fingers at Miguel Ángel Treviño for dumping the bodies of 49 people — without heads, hands or feet — in garbage bags along a busy highway in northern Mexico. The week concluded with José Treviño fielding four Tremor horses in a prestigious race at Los Alamitos Race Course, near Los Angeles.

The New York Times became aware of Tremor’s activities in December 2011 while reporting on the Zetas. The Times learned of the government’s investigation in May 2012 and agreed to hold the story until the June 12 arrests.

**** Related Article:  The Case Against José Treviño

 

Presidential Election Promises a Shift in Strategy

Mexico’s next presidential election is July 1, 2012. The top three candidates — Enrique Peña Nieto, Josefina Vázquez Mota and Andrés Manuel López Obrador — have all promised a major shift in the country’s drug war strategy. They are placing a higher priority on reducing the violence in Mexico than on using arrests and seizures to block the flow of drugs to the United States.

The candidates have all vowed to continue to fight drug trafficking, but have said they intend to eventually withdraw the Mexican Army from the drug fight. They are concerned that the army has proved unfit for police work and has contributed to the high death tollThe front-runner, Mr. Peña Nieto, does not emphasize stopping drug shipments or capturing drug kingpins as he enters the final weeks of campaigning for the election. He has suggested that while Mexico should continue to work with the United States government against organized crime, it should not “subordinate to the strategies of other countries.”

United States officials have been careful not to publicly weigh in on the race or the prospect of a changed strategy, for fear of being accused of meddling. Still, the potential shift, reflecting the thinking of a growing number of crime researchers, has raised concern that the next president could essentially turn a blind eye to the cartels.

Although drug consumption is rising in Mexico, drug production and trafficking are seen primarily as American problems that matter less than the crime they spawn.

To shift the drug war toward combating violence, the next president faces a costly and exceedingly difficult job of cleansing and rebuilding poorly trained police agencies and judicial institutions rife with corruption, a job Mr. Calderón began.

The focus on arresting top traffickers and extraditing them to the United States has weakened several organizations, the Mexican and American authorities have insisted, but the bloodshed caused by newly emergent and splintering groups has overwhelmed the local and state authorities and left the impression that the antidrug forces are losing ground.

 

Violence on the Border

The violence has slackened in many areas along the border, including Ciudad Juárez, the bloodiest city, where homicides have been declining. Mexican officials say the decrease is proof that they are making headway, but analysts say it may have more to do with one rival group’s defeat of another, reducing competition and the bloodshed that comes with it.

The shift in the center of violence may reflect the shifting contours of the fights between criminal organizations. Analysts say the battle is increasingly coming down to a fight to the death between the Sinaloa cartel, a more traditional drug-trafficking organization widely considered the most powerful, and Los Zetas, founded by former soldiers and considered the most violent as it expands into extortion, kidnapping and other rackets in regions far off the drug route map. A third, the Gulf Cartel, remains well armed and rises to attack from time to time.

With Mr. Calderon leaving office in November 2012, in fall 2011, he moved to lock in the militarized approach to drug cartels that has defined his tenure. He stepped up calls for Mexico’s Congress to approve stalled initiatives to remake state and local police forces, codify the military’s role in fighting crime and broaden its powers, toughen the federal penal code and tighten laws to stop money laundering.

To many Mexicans, the rising count of gruesome drug-related murders is evidence that the government’s strategy has failed. The violence has been fueled in part by the splintering of drug organizations under siege, which led to escalating rounds of bloody infighting over territory and criminal rackets.

In February 2011, the Pentagon began flying high-altitude, unarmed drones over Mexican skies in hopes of collecting information to turn over to Mexican law enforcement agencies.

A Homeland Security drone was said to have helped Mexican authorities find several suspects linked to the Feb. 15, 2011, killing of Jaime Zapata, a United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement Immigration agent.

In March 2010, gunmen believed to be linked to drug traffickers shot a pregnant American consulate worker and her husband to death in the violence-racked border town of Ciudad Juárez. The gunmen also killed the husband of another consular employee and wounded his two young children.

The killings followed threats against American diplomats along the Mexican border and complaints from consulate workers that drug-related violence was growing untenable, American officials said. Even before the shootings, the State Department had quietly made the decision to allow consulate workers to evacuate their families across the border to the United States.

The inability to control the violence, with fresh horrors nearly every week, has rattled even some admirers in the United States Congress, who have begun to question publicly whether Mr. Calderón’s strategy — supported by the $1.4 billion in anticrime aid the United States is providing through the multiyear Merida Initiative — is making progress.

In response to critics, Mr. Calderón has said his government was the first one to take on the drug trafficking organizations. But Mexicans wonder if they are paying too high a price and some have begun openly speaking of decriminalizing drugs to reduce the sizable profits the gangs receive.

 

Strengthening Civilian Law Enforcement

While Mr. Calderon dismissed suggestions that Mexico is a failed state, he and his aides have spoken frankly of the cartels’ attempts to set up a state within a state, levying taxes, throwing up roadblocks and enforcing their own perverse codes of behavior.

Responding to a growing sense that Mexico’s military-led fight against drug traffickers was not gaining ground, the United States and Mexico set their counternarcotics strategy on a new course in March 2010 by refocusing their efforts on strengthening civilian law enforcement institutions and rebuilding communities crippled by poverty and crime.

The $331 million plan was at the center of a visit to Mexico at that time by several senior Obama administration officials, including Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton; Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates and  Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano.

The revised strategy had many elements meant to expand on and improve programs already under way as part of the so-called Mérida Initiative that was started by the Bush administration including cooperation among American and Mexican intelligence agencies and American support for training Mexican police officers, judges, prosecutors and public defenders.

Under the revised strategy, officials said, American and Mexican agencies would work together to refocus border enforcement efforts away from building a better wall to creating systems that would allow goods and people to be screened before they reached the crossing points. The plan would also provide support for Mexican programs intended to strengthen communities where socioeconomic hardships force many young people into crime.

 

Documenting the Turmoil

In September 2010, the newspaper El Diario Ciudad Juárez published an open letter to the city’s drug lords and the authorities it believed had failed to protect the public. It ran the day after the funeral of Luis Carlos Santiago, 21, a photography intern at the paper who was shot dead on Sept. 16, 2010, while leaving a shopping mall after lunch.

All along the border, news organizations had silenced themselves out of fear and intimidation from drug trafficking organizations, but El Diario had a reputation for carrying on — and paying a price. One of its reporters had been gunned down several years before.

While its editorial called for a truce between crime groups and the media — noting that “even in war there are rules” that “safeguard the integrity of the journalists who cover them” — the paper insisted that it would not back down.

Acts against news organizations in 2010 included the kidnapping of four journalists, who were released after one station broadcast videos as demanded by that their abductors. In August of the same year, a car bomb detonated outside a regional office of Televisa, the leading national network.

 

The U.S. Builds a Network

As the United States has opened new law enforcement and intelligence outposts across Mexico in recent years, Washington’s networks of informants have grown there as well, current and former officials said. They have helped Mexican authorities capture or kill about two dozen high-ranking and midlevel drug traffickers, and sometimes have given American counternarcotics agents access to the top leaders of the cartels they are trying to dismantle.

Typically, the officials said, Mexico is kept in the dark about the United States’ contacts with its most secret informants — including Mexican law enforcement officers, elected officials and cartel operatives — partly because of concerns about corruption among the Mexican police, and partly because of laws prohibiting American security forces from operating on Mexican soil.

In recent years, Mexican attitudes about American involvement in matters of national security have softened. And the United States, hoping to shore up Mexico’s stability and prevent its violence from spilling across the border, has expanded its role in ways unthinkable five years ago, including flying drones in Mexican skies.

The efforts have been credited with breaking up several of Mexico’s largest cartels into smaller crime groups. But the violence continues, as does the northward flow of illegal drugs.

While using informants remains a largely clandestine affair, several recent cases have shed light on the kinds of investigations they have helped crack, including a plot in which the United States accused an Iranian-American car salesman of trying to hire killers from a Mexican drug cartel, known as Los Zetas, to assassinate the Saudi ambassador to Washington.

American officials said Drug Enforcement Administration informants with links to the cartels also helped the authorities track down several suspects linked to the case of Mr. Zapata, who is alleged to have been shot to death by members of Los Zetas in central Mexico.

 

Direct Link:  http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/mexico/drug_trafficking/index.html

Feb 082012
 

White supremacists revive dream of a homeland in Northwest

 

Kevin Harpham’s attempted bombing of a Martin Luther King parade in Spokane, Wash., reflects the foothold white supremacy has in the region.

Los Angeles Times
By Kim Murphy

February 8, 2012

Reporting from Spokane, Wash.

 

Kevin W. Harpham is serving a 32-year sentence for planting a bomb along the route of the 2011 Martin Luther King Jr. Day parade in Spokane, Wash.

 

Kevin W. Harpham is serving a 32-year prison sentence for planting a bomb along the route of the 2011 Martin Luther King Jr. Day parade in Spokane, Wash. The Army veteran had made hateful postings for years on a white supremacist website. (Spokane County Sheriff’s Office / April 1, 2011)

 

 

Three sanitation workers found it along the route of a Martin Luther King Jr. Day march: a nest of wires in a backpack.

The homemade bomb was equipped with an unusual remote-controlled trigger and stuffed with more than 100 heavy fishing weights coated in rat poison. The Spokane County bomb squad disarmed it hours before the route would have been flooded with marchers last year.

If the device had detonated and the weights had torn into the intended victims, the poison would have prevented their blood from coagulating, all but ensuring their deaths, lab analysts concluded.

The intense manhunt that ensued led authorities to a remote cabin in the pine-shrouded hills north of Spokane. In it lived Kevin W. Harpham, an Army veteran who had posted venomously for years on a white supremacist website, the Vanguard News Network.

“Those who say you can’t win a war by bombing have never tried,” he wrote. “I can’t wait till the day I snap.”

At the conclusion of a hurried, tense investigation, Harpham pleaded guilty to attempted use of a weapon of mass destruction and a hate crime and was sentenced in December to 32 years in prison.

A decade after the dissolution of the Aryan Nations compound in northern Idaho and the arrest of the Montana Freemen, white supremacists, far-right militias and radical patriots have revived their dream of a homeland in the Northwest.

In 2010, residents in several parts of Idaho woke to find Easter eggs tossed on their lawns — courtesy of the not-dead-yet Aryan Nations. The eggs contained jelly beans and solicitations to “take back our country and make it great, clean, decent and beautiful once again.”

In October, a federal jury convicted Spokane-area resident Wayde Kurt of firearms violations in a case prosecutors said stemmed from Kurt’s membership in the white supremacist group Vanguard Kindred.

In a sentencing memorandum, federal prosecutors said Kurt discussed with an FBI informant a plan for what he called an act of terrorism “of the worst kind,” comparable to the Oklahoma City federal building bombing, that “would mean a death sentence if he is caught.”

“The defendant stated that he needed to make sure that everyone is fed up with [President] Obama,” the memo says.

Meanwhile, prominent white nationalists, radical constitutionalists and other apostles of the far right have established beachheads in northwestern Montana. They include April Gaede, who is appealing to white “refugees” to establish a Pioneer Little Europe; Karl Gharst, a former member of the Aryan Nations who has been screening Holocaust denial films at the local library; and Ronald Davenport, a Washington man who was convicted in November of filing more than $20 billion in false liens against government officials seeking to collect $250,000 in unpaid taxes.

Conservative preacher and radio host Chuck Baldwin, the 2008 presidential candidate of the Constitution Party, moved to Montana from Florida in 2010 to help establish an “American redoubt” for “liberty-loving brethren,” and is now running as a Republican for lieutenant governor.

“We know there’s a fight coming. We know there is a line being drawn in the sand, and we want to be in the right place. The good ground is right here in Montana,” Baldwin told supporters last year.

In a recent report, the Southern Poverty Law Center said “a new round of antigovernment stirrings” was evident in northwestern Montana, especially around Kalispell.

“We’re seeing a real resurgence of the idea once again of retreating to the Pacific Northwest, the last best place, as they say,” said Mark Potok, a senior fellow with the civil rights group.

The new arrivals have not made overt threats of violence. Many have said they came to establish a quiet line of defense against rising crime in cities to the south. Yet Travis McAdam, executive director of the Montana Human Rights Network, said the militant right posed a different kind of challenge.

Instead of doing most of their proselytizing online, as they have in the past, he said, the groups are now sponsoring public meetings, bringing in guest speakers such as David Irving, an internationally known writer who challenges the Holocaust, and Paul Fromm, a well-known Canadian white supremacist.

“The idea that they just want to move here and be left alone — we’ve seen in the last 21/2 years that that’s not what these folks are about. They’re about pushing their agenda, trying to recruit people if they can,” McAdam said. “It’s definitely about establishing a presence and saying basically, ‘We’re here.’ “

In the case of Baldwin, he added, “They’re engaging mainstream political institutions and trying to accumulate power.”

The near-disaster involving the backpack bomb at the King Day march in Spokane evoked comparisons to Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, another below-the-radar radical, and Buford O. Furrow Jr., a former guard at the Aryan Nations compound in Idaho who drove to Los Angeles from Washington state in 1999 and opened fire at a Jewish community center in Granada Hills, wounding five, then killed a Filipino American postal worker in Chatsworth.

Harpham “was what we feared most, the prototypical lone wolf extremist who didn’t foreshadow the event in any way,” the FBI’s lead agent in Spokane, Frank Harrill, said in an interview. “There had been nothing that would signal that he would conduct some vicious attempt like this.”

The rush to identify a suspect — complete with an elaborate arrest plan involving a SWAT team disguised as road workers — reflected the fear that whoever was responsible might detonate a bomb somewhere else.

“We all felt, although the timeline was uncertain, that this could be a race against a second device in some venue somewhere … so it was all hands on deck,” Harrill said. “One of the big concerns was that the geographic origin of the perpetrator was unknown…. We didn’t even know if it was an individual” or a group.

The first victory came when the bomb squad disarmed the device while keeping most of its components intact.

FBI bomb technician Leland McEuen, who had dismantled improvised explosive devices in Iraq, recognized it as a pipe bomb with a triggering device — a remote car starter — similar to those used against U.S. forces in the Middle East.

The bomb was wrapped in two T-shirts, traced by FBI Case Agents Ryan Butler and Joe Cleary to a Relay for Life fundraiser and an after-school production of “Treasure Island” in Stevens County, the forested valley that stretches north of Spokane toward the Canadian border.

Zeroing in from there, FBI Special Agent Craig Noyes found that an unusually large number of fishing weights identical to those found in the bomb had been sold the previous November at a Wal-Mart in Colville, Wash. The weights had been purchased with a debit card belonging to Harpham, a 37-year-old electrician who lived on a 10-acre plot outside Colville.

A quick check revealed that Harpham had served with an artillery unit at what is now Joint Base Lewis-McChord in western Washington. A DNA sample from his Army records matched a sample found on the backpack’s handle.

Within hours of coming up with Harpham’s name, FBI analysts had matched him to a man posting under the pseudonym “Joe Snuffy” more than 1,000 times since 2004 on the Vanguard website.

“The older I get, [the] less I have to live for, and the less I have to live for, the less the laws of this country will be able to influence my actions,” he wrote in one of the postings, which frequently ranted about African Americans and Jews.

“It was clear from those postings that …we were dealing with an individual who was extraordinarily racist and potentially violent,” Harrill said. “He was talking about caching food, fortifying structures, obtaining high-capacity assault weapons. And while those things are not of themselves illegal, if you juxtapose them with the placement of an extremely lethal destructive device, it presents really a nightmare scenario in terms of an ultimate resolution.”

One thing FBI supervisors knew: They did not want to try to arrest Harpham at his cabin — not after the disastrous 1992 siege of the Idaho cabin of white separatist Randy Weaver. That assault killed Weaver’s wife and 14-year-old son.

Instead, FBI agents learned that Harpham was looking to buy a car, and devised a plan to grab him when he emerged from his cabin.

On March 9 — 51 days after the attempted bombing and 22 days after agents had identified him as their suspect — Harpham drove down the narrow mountain road from his cabin to a small bridge at the bottom. Awaiting him there were the FBI’s hostage rescue team and an FBI SWAT team from Seattle, disguised as road workers.

A man dressed as a flagger signaled Harpham to proceed onto the bridge. A van on the other side blocked his exit. A backhoe bucket slammed down onto the rear of Harpham’s car.

A dozen FBI agents in camouflage leaped out of the van with assault rifles, shouting at Harpham to put his hands in the air. He did so — but he had questions of his own. “How long have you known about me?” Harpham asked. When he didn’t get an answer, he muttered one of his own: “About two months.”

During his sentencing in December, Harpham argued that his intention had been merely to shatter the glass of a nearby medical building and cause general alarm as a form of protest.

“Just these kinds of social concepts — unity, multiculturalism. It was no different than a Christian person out there protesting gay marriage,” Harpham said. “Just making a statement that people are out there who do not agree with these ideas.”

Harpham’s father, Cecil “Bill” Harpham, said his son was “a real good kid” who fell in with skinheads in the Army.

“They more or less brainwashed my son into thinking that this hate group is going to better America, that they’re getting stronger every day and a bunch of stuff like that,” he said. He sighed. “Oh, I cried an awful lot. But he brought this on himself. I told him not to mess with those skinheads. Stay away from ‘em. But he wouldn’t do it.”

 

  • Also

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Direct Link:  http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-mlk-bomb-20120209,0,6777950,full.story

Jan 222012
 

 

New York Times – OPINIONS:

 

Do Drones Undermine Democracy?

The New York Times

By PETER W. SINGER
January 21, 2012

 

 

Unmanned aircraft at an American base in Afghanistan in 2011

 

 

Washington -

IN democracies like ours, there have always been deep bonds between the public and its wars. Citizens have historically participated in decisions to take military action, through their elected representatives, helping to ensure broad support for wars and a willingness to share the costs, both human and economic, of enduring them.

In America, our Constitution explicitly divided the president’s role as commander in chief in war from Congress’s role in declaring war. Yet these links and this division of labor are now under siege as a result of a technology that our founding fathers never could have imagined.

Just 10 years ago, the idea of using armed robots in war was the stuff of Hollywood fantasy. Today, the United States military has more than 7,000 unmanned aerial systems, popularly called drones. There are 12,000 more on the ground. Last year, they carried out hundreds of strikes — both covert and overt — in six countries, transforming the way our democracy deliberates and engages in what we used to think of as war.

We don’t have a draft anymore; less than 0.5 percent of Americans over 18 serve in the active-duty military. We do not declare war anymore; the last time Congress actually did so was in 1942 — against Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. We don’t buy war bonds or pay war taxes anymore. During World War II, 85 million Americans purchased war bonds that brought the government $185 billion; in the last decade, we bought none and instead gave the richest 5 percent of Americans a tax break.

And now we possess a technology that removes the last political barriers to war. The strongest appeal of unmanned systems is that we don’t have to send someone’s son or daughter into harm’s way. But when politicians can avoid the political consequences of the condolence letter — and the impact that military casualties have on voters and on the news media — they no longer treat the previously weighty matters of war and peace the same way.

For the first 200 years of American democracy, engaging in combat and bearing risk — both personal and political — went hand in hand. In the age of drones, that is no longer the case.

Today’s unmanned systems are only the beginning. The original Predator, which went into service in 1995, lacked even GPS and was initially unarmed; newer models can take off and land on their own, and carry smart sensors that can detect a disruption in the dirt a mile below the plane and trace footprints back to an enemy hide-out.

There is not a single new manned combat aircraft under research and development at any major Western aerospace company, and the Air Force is training more operators of unmanned aerial systems than fighter and bomber pilots combined. In 2011, unmanned systems carried out strikes from Afghanistan to Yemen. The most notable of these continuing operations is the not-so-covert war in Pakistan, where the United States has carried out more than 300 drone strikes since 2004.

Yet this operation has never been debated in Congress; more than seven years after it began, there has not even been a single vote for or against it. This campaign is not carried out by the Air Force; it is being conducted by the C.I.A. This shift affects everything from the strategy that guides it to the individuals who oversee it (civilian political appointees) and the lawyers who advise them (civilians rather than military officers).

It also affects how we and our politicians view such operations. President Obama’s decision to send a small, brave Navy Seal team into Pakistan for 40 minutes was described by one of his advisers as “the gutsiest call of any president in recent history.” Yet few even talk about the decision to carry out more than 300 drone strikes in the very same country.

I do not condemn these strikes; I support most of them. What troubles me, though, is how a new technology is short-circuiting the decision-making process for what used to be the most important choice a democracy could make. Something that would have previously been viewed as a war is simply not being treated like a war.

THE change is not limited to covert action. Last spring, America launched airstrikes on Libya as part of a NATO operation to prevent Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi’s government from massacring civilians. In late March, the White House announced that the American military was handing over combat operations to its European partners and would thereafter play only a supporting role.

The distinction was crucial. The operation’s goals quickly evolved from a limited humanitarian intervention into an air war supporting local insurgents’ efforts at regime change. But it had limited public support and no Congressional approval.

When the administration was asked to explain why continuing military action would not be a violation of the War Powers Resolution — a Vietnam-era law that requires notifying Congress of military operations within 48 hours and getting its authorization after 60 days — the White House argued that American operations did not “involve the presence of U.S. ground troops, U.S. casualties or a serious threat thereof.” But they did involve something we used to think of as war: blowing up stuff, lots of it.

Starting on April 23, American unmanned systems were deployed over Libya. For the next six months, they carried out at least 146 strikes on their own. They also identified and pinpointed the targets for most of NATO’s manned strike jets. This unmanned operation lasted well past the 60-day deadline of the War Powers Resolution, extending to the very last airstrike that hit Colonel Qaddafi’s convoy on Oct. 20 and led to his death.

Choosing to make the operation unmanned proved critical to initiating it without Congressional authorization and continuing it with minimal public support. On June 21, when NATO’s air war was lagging, an American Navy helicopter was shot down by pro-Qaddafi forces. This previously would have been a disaster, with the risk of an American aircrew being captured or even killed. But the downed helicopter was an unmanned Fire Scout, and the story didn’t even make the newspapers the next day.

Congress has not disappeared from all decisions about war, just the ones that matter. The same week that American drones were carrying out their 145th unauthorized airstrike in Libya, the president notified Congress that he had deployed 100 Special Operations troops to a different part of Africa.

This small unit was sent to train and advise Ugandan forces battling the cultish Lord’s Resistance Army and was explicitly ordered not to engage in combat. Congress applauded the president for notifying it about this small noncombat mission but did nothing about having its laws ignored in the much larger combat operation in Libya.

We must now accept that technologies that remove humans from the battlefield, from unmanned systems like the Predator to cyberweapons like the Stuxnet computer worm, are becoming the new normal in war.

And like it or not, the new standard we’ve established for them is that presidents need to seek approval only for operations that send people into harm’s way — not for those that involve waging war by other means.

WITHOUT any actual political debate, we have set an enormous precedent, blurring the civilian and military roles in war and circumventing the Constitution’s mandate for authorizing it. Freeing the executive branch to act as it chooses may be appealing to some now, but many future scenarios will be less clear-cut. And each political party will very likely have a different view, depending on who is in the White House.

Unmanned operations are not “costless,” as they are too often described in the news media and government deliberations. Even worthy actions can sometimes have unintended consequences. Faisal Shahzad, the would-be Times Square bomber, was drawn into terrorism by the very Predator strikes in Pakistan meant to stop terrorism.

Similarly, C.I.A. drone strikes outside of declared war zones are setting a troubling precedent that we might not want to see followed by the close to 50 other nations that now possess the same unmanned technology — including China, Russia, Pakistan and Iran.

A deep deliberation on war was something the framers of the Constitution sought to build into our system. Yet on Tuesday, when President Obama talks about his wartime accomplishments during the State of the Union address, Congress will have to admit that its role has been reduced to the same part it plays during the president’s big speech. These days, when it comes to authorizing war, Congress generally sits there silently, except for the occasional clapping. And we do the same at home.

Last year, I met with senior Pentagon officials to discuss the many tough issues emerging from our growing use of robots in war. One of them asked, “So, who then is thinking about all this stuff?”

America’s founding fathers may not have been able to imagine robotic drones, but they did provide an answer. The Constitution did not leave war, no matter how it is waged, to the executive branch alone.

In a democracy, it is an issue for all of us.

Peter W. Singer is the director of the 21st Century Defense Initiative at the Brookings Institution and author of “Wired for War: The Robotics Revolution and Conflict in the 21st Century.”

Direct Link:  http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/22/opinion/sunday/do-drones-undermine-democracy.html?_r=1&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=thab1

Dec 202011
 

The Homicide Report

Los Angles Times
THE TIMES CHRONICLES 
L.A. COUNTY HOMICIDE VICTIMS

Showing 583 homicides from Jan. 1, 2011 to Dec. 18, 2011

Current view:
Homicides are grouped based on number of homicides in an area.
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Name Age Date
Frankie Garcia 20 12/18/11
Ramon Ortega-Garcia 28 12/18/11
Brayton Crumb 48 12/18/11
Juan Barrajas 41 12/17/11
Roberto Rodriguez 32 12/17/11
Anthony Hill 33 12/17/11
Hugo Ortiz 34 12/17/11
Carlos Lajobech 32 12/17/11
Mcdonald Carey 44 12/17/11
Robert Lindsay 53 12/16/11
Henry Serrano 56 12/16/11
Ely Gonzales 22 12/15/11
Emile Romain 53 12/14/11
John Atterberry 40 12/12/11
Jose Parra 35 12/12/11
Laura Hunt 32 12/11/11
Heidi Mc Coi 23 12/11/11
Alfonso Covarrubias 17 12/11/11
George Cleggett Jr. 26 12/9/11
Tyler Brehm 26 12/9/11
Russell Bounds 49 12/6/11
Humberto Rodriguez 30 12/4/11
Duc Vinh Dam 32 12/4/11
Gabriel Espitia 23 12/3/11
Eduardo Gonzalez 41 12/3/11
Coy Thomas 16 12/3/11
Wilbert Gaitan 25 12/2/11
Victor Silva 20 12/1/11
Clarice Durrah 45 12/1/11
Emiliano Amaya 39 12/1/11
Jesus Rendon 36 11/30/11
Art Gomez 31 11/30/11
Justin Cash 23 11/29/11
Joshua Cooper 27 11/29/11
Ethel Porter 87 11/29/11
Daniel Ngyuen 28 11/29/11
Sheddrick Butts 31 11/28/11
Manuel Lara 52 11/27/11
Jorge Rodriquez 16 11/27/11
David Escobar 16 11/27/11
Marlene Estrada 31 11/27/11
Samuel Theard 16 11/26/11
McKune Collins 25 11/26/11
Jorge Ocon 29 11/25/11
Joseph Gilbert 28 11/25/11
Jaon Jackson 22 11/24/11
Jane Doe #72 55 11/23/11
Lee Jefferson 23 11/23/11
Rosa Chavez 55 11/23/11
Luis Fraustro 66 11/23/11
Wilson Edwards 20 11/23/11
Felton Glass Jr. 17 11/22/11
Andy Alcala 19 11/22/11
Dornice Anthony Washington 24 11/20/11
Richard Rodriguez 17 11/20/11
Edward Gaines 21 11/19/11
Jose Villa 22 11/18/11
Nathan Vickers 32 11/17/11
Michael Douver 21 11/16/11
Anne Weiss 80 11/12/11
Raul Mendez 36 11/12/11
Manuel Avelar 18 11/10/11
Deverrin Jackson 43 11/10/11
Reginald Porter 53 11/10/11
Jejuan Rumph 39 11/9/11
Deandre Millender 25 11/9/11
Christian Gomez 17 11/7/11
Ramon Sanchez 20 11/6/11
Adrian Sepulveda 20 11/6/11
Raul Sevilla 28 11/4/11
Sharon McDade 50 11/3/11
Jomo Zambia 26 11/2/11
Leon Matthews 27 11/1/11
David Oakleaf 74 11/1/11
Luis Silva 27 11/1/11
Keyante Matthews 29 10/31/11
Richard Caceres 18 10/31/11
Jason Bitz 23 10/31/11
Eduardo Lazaro 21 10/31/11
Nicholas Botiller 26 10/30/11
Richard Becerra 38 10/30/11
Alexis Cardenas 20 10/29/11
Leopoldo Anaya 19 10/29/11
Francisco Aviles 42 10/28/11
Diego Davian 24 10/26/11
Cathy Carrasco-Zanini 58 10/26/11
Ricardo Lopez 23 10/24/11
Enrique Ponce 23 10/23/11
Tommy Whitson 28 10/22/11
Michael Nida 31 10/22/11
Larry Buckner 33 10/21/11
George Mora 47 10/19/11
Jose Lara 51 10/19/11
Juan Gutierrez 33 10/18/11
Israel Salinas 16 10/18/11
Danielle Monroe 40 10/18/11
Claud Payne 27 10/17/11
Juan Flores 42 10/17/11
Genaro Ramirez Jr. 19 10/17/11
Juan Alcova Giron 29 10/16/11
Charles Edgar Jr. 19 10/16/11
Keshawn Corbin 17 10/16/11
Corie Banks 24 10/15/11
Daniel Williams 18 10/15/11
Gloria Bertina Villalta 58 10/15/11
Franklin Munoz 20 10/15/11
Dwayne Rogers 43 10/14/11
David Blair 62 10/14/11
Thurmond Price 22 10/14/11
Antwan Johnson 34 10/13/11
Mayela Garcia 41 10/12/11
Manuel Vargas 42 10/12/11
David Caouette 64 10/12/11
Michelle Fast 47 10/12/11
Juan Chaires 46 10/12/11
Victor Avila 19 10/11/11
Oscar Arevalo 32 10/11/11
Oscar Valenciano Jr. 15 10/10/11
Christine Medina 25 10/10/11
Miguel Chavez 18 10/9/11
Jessie Medina 19 10/9/11
Julio Sandoval 47 10/9/11
Jesus Martinez 37 10/8/11
Roberto Lozada 22 10/5/11
Racyncia Nelson 43 10/5/11
Margarito Gutierrez 32 10/5/11
Rodolfo Pineda 33 10/3/11
Jose Rivera 37 10/2/11
Unk Male/Black 40 10/1/11
Mun Jang 56 10/1/11
Reynard Fulton 29 10/1/11
Roberto Quintero 18 9/30/11
Cindi Santana 17 9/30/11
Antonio Tafolla 35 9/30/11
Mario Ellis 23 9/29/11
Christina Miner 26 9/29/11
Joshua Paxton 19 9/27/11
Ilan Hernandez 20 9/27/11
Victor Eduardo Mardueno 25 9/27/11
Tracy Hickson 44 9/26/11
Robert Donnell 56 9/26/11
Edmundo Lorenzo 34 9/26/11
Jonathan Silva 20 9/24/11
Alberto Acosta Jr. 18 9/24/11
Hakilmy Johnson 19 9/24/11
Modesto Casiano 24 9/23/11
Winston Towns 27 9/22/11
Diana Garcia 17 9/21/11
King King 43 9/21/11
Ana Lopez Beltran 33 9/20/11
Randy Telles 23 9/20/11
Keith Watkins 40 9/18/11
Tony Calloway 21 9/18/11
Rogelio Alvarado 23 9/18/11
Jesus Orosco 31 9/18/11
Miguel Munoz 20 9/17/11
Andre Swafford 28 9/17/11
Kevivon Brown 22 9/16/11
Noel Salinas 49 9/15/11
Samuel Liaw 42 9/14/11
Danny Logan 24 9/14/11
Socorro Fimbres 25 9/10/11
Rafael Vaca 43 9/10/11
Anthony Valle 16 9/10/11
Nelson Medrano 21 9/10/11
Sidney Garcia 68 9/8/11
Ron Hayden 61 9/8/11
Rafeal Hughes 39 9/6/11
Antonio Diaz 49 9/6/11
Israel Tovar 51 9/5/11
Alvina Jimenez 31 9/3/11
Thomas Dufour 50 9/3/11
Demetrius Taylor 34 9/1/11
Jildardo Mariano 29 8/30/11
Adam Moran 53 8/29/11
Edgar Juarez 20 8/29/11
Cesar Rodriguez 19 8/28/11
Larry Villegas 24 8/28/11
Reginald Mcdaniel 28 8/28/11
Antonio McNeil 48 8/28/11
Tam Le 53 8/27/11
Deshon Rasberry 19 8/27/11
Shedrick Taylor 51 8/27/11
Richard Lewis 43 8/26/11
Maurice Shephard 55 8/26/11
Ismael Lopez 29 8/26/11
Giancarlo Cabello 22 8/25/11
Christina Talley 46 8/22/11
Marvin Laguan 18 8/22/11
Pablo Garcia 19 8/21/11
Miguel Castaneda 24 8/21/11
Deon Bastian 22 8/20/11
Wilson Pierre 22 8/20/11
Miguel Puente 47 8/20/11
Osvaldo Ruelas 36 8/20/11
Jesse Garay 59 8/19/11
Ricky Camacho 53 8/18/11
Bryan Soriano Gutierrez 18 8/17/11
Edward Hernandez 8/17/11
Mihran Ashikyan 28 8/17/11
Jennifer Logan 25 8/17/11
Isaac Ramirez 21 8/16/11
Aubrey Lipkins 44 8/15/11
John Doe #113 8/13/11
Jane Doe #45 8/13/11
Willie Thornton 59 8/12/11
Hector Espinoza 18 8/11/11
Michaela Cross 8/11/11
Juan Vazquez 25 8/9/11
Eduardo Vargas 22 8/7/11
Fred Bigbee 32 8/7/11
George Bravo 26 8/7/11
Robert Wilbarn 47 8/6/11
Louise Savior 31 8/6/11
Marco Gonzalez 20 8/5/11
Ryan Billings 26 8/5/11
Ricky Whitfield 45 8/4/11
Gina Reano 45 8/3/11
Elliott Smith 27 8/1/11
Jim Flores 22 7/31/11
Manuel Morales 19 7/31/11
Rogelio Sanchez 31 7/31/11
Corey Wiley 23 7/31/11
Rigoberto Espinosa 27 7/30/11
Christopher Moreno 38 7/30/11
Francisco Rivera 49 7/30/11
Joseph Lewis 22 7/29/11
Donald Infante 28 7/28/11
Juan Lopez Jr. 18 7/27/11
Gary Sanders Jr. 20 7/26/11
Cristian Manzur 56 7/24/11
Jackie Hoang 29 7/23/11
Roberto Lopez 36 7/23/11
Julian Castandez Jimenez 47 7/22/11
Dwayne Bailey 41 7/22/11
Carlos Martinez 46 7/22/11
Maria Ruvalcaba 29 7/22/11
Derrick Sites 39 7/20/11
Joseph Rubalcaba 19 7/20/11
Jose Torres 33 7/18/11
Hekima Batiste 37 7/18/11
Francisco Martinez 24 7/17/11
Michael Schmid 35 7/16/11
Jesus Lopez 17 7/16/11
Medina Baby Boy 7/15/11
Bryan Carmona 17 7/15/11
Thomas Valdez 30 7/15/11
Nahun Garcia 23 7/13/11
Estrella Medina 25 7/13/11
Victor Moreno 40 7/12/11
Ryan Stringer 26 7/10/11
Scott Smith 51 7/9/11
Melvin Childs 16 7/7/11
Roberto Rodriguez 28 7/6/11
Brandon Blanton 21 7/5/11
Abigail Lara-Morales 2 7/5/11
Charles Hanvey 52 7/4/11
Mario Giles-Herrera 24 7/4/11
Hervie Norman 34 7/4/11
Rene Moreida-Torres 23 7/3/11
Cipriano Sanchez Jr. 25 7/3/11
Michael Maguire 36 7/1/11
Rolland Miller 44 7/1/11
Lionell Carr 19 6/29/11
Roman Sandoval 6/28/11
Martin Osuna-Aguilar 23 6/27/11
Dean Camacho 48 6/26/11
Marcus Robinson 18 6/26/11
Dajon Daniels 18 6/26/11
Shawn Bryant 22 6/24/11
William Quiros Jr. 32 6/23/11
Phillip Walters 16 6/22/11
Silberio Ibanez 18 6/22/11
Mario Vanegas 45 6/22/11
Alan Mateo 19 6/22/11
Salvador Diaz 18 6/22/11
Ismael Villegas 21 6/22/11
Pablo Ortiz 35 6/21/11
Craig Walker 26 6/21/11
Bryan Olmos 1 6/20/11
Esteban Munoz 18 6/20/11
Blaza Miller 45 6/20/11
Daryl Robinson 24 6/19/11
Ulises Mendoza 20 6/19/11
Derick Hollie 20 6/19/11
Angelica Escalante 19 6/18/11
Emmanuel Berry 17 6/18/11
Ruben Fematt 48 6/18/11
Charles Moore 52 6/17/11
Angel Lopez 20 6/15/11
Vera Michaelson 33 6/15/11
Curtis Mann 25 6/15/11
Cary Morton Jr. 18 6/15/11
Kirsten Hyde 62 6/14/11
James Daniel Longsworth 33 6/13/11
Alfonso Garcia 26 6/13/11
Christian Valadez 29 6/12/11
Arthur Johnson 18 6/11/11
Sandro Gutierrez 27 6/9/11
Ronald Givens 38 6/9/11
Ivan Spencer 55 6/9/11
Nate Lopez-Garcia 6/7/11
Shoichi Joe Minesaki 19 6/6/11
David Carter 47 6/6/11
Christian Gibson Sr. 22 6/6/11
Ivan Anders Garcia 26 6/5/11
Stephan Connlee 24 6/4/11
Carlos Viera Jr. 31 6/2/11
Byron Weston III 20 6/1/11
Amado Lozano Jr. 28 5/31/11
Jermaine Collins 32 5/30/11
Miguel Flores 18 5/29/11
Derek Pouono 35 5/28/11
Reginald Sajonas 37 5/28/11
Christian Smith 19 5/28/11
David Banuelos 28 5/28/11
Joshua Santos 19 5/28/11
Gabriel Galan 36 5/26/11
Andre Pinkney 29 5/25/11
William Lusk 19 5/25/11
Christopher Coronel 21 5/25/11
Josafat Canchola 46 5/25/11
Dale Soto Jr. 16 5/24/11
Joshua Montes 1 5/23/11
Richard Ramirez 25 5/23/11
Jose Ramos 29 5/23/11
Osvaldo Arizmendi 32 5/23/11
Steven Brown 32 5/21/11
Richard Thompson 22 5/20/11
Jane Doe #25 57 5/20/11
Lacrecia Hill 24 5/20/11
Mo’Nayjah Jackson 1 5/20/11
Steven Milrot 51 5/19/11
Terrence Bevills 46 5/19/11
James Dominguez 25 5/18/11
Jose Depaz Melgar 69 5/18/11
Monte Talbert 22 5/16/11
Luis Varela Jr. 29 5/16/11
Kirk Torres 29 5/16/11
Andre Gibson 18 5/16/11
Tyrone Nelson 36 5/14/11
Alonzo Ester 67 5/13/11
Jerome Maddox 31 5/13/11
Walter Shephard 34 5/13/11
Guillermo Elisea Jr. 23 5/10/11
Dale Garrett 51 5/10/11
Blanca Hernandez 59 5/9/11
Hector Hernandez 36 5/9/11
Gabriel Ben-Meir 30 5/8/11
Michael Acevedo 6 5/7/11
Michelle Acevedo 6 5/7/11
Iris Osorio Oseguera 33 5/7/11
Jose Madera 19 5/7/11
Michael David 30 5/7/11
Dorothy Armstrong 88 5/5/11
Daniel Castro 22 5/5/11
Jorge Guijarro 19 5/5/11
Xavier Ayala 20 5/5/11
Ery Valdez Jr. 15 5/5/11
Lisa Brown 42 5/4/11
Keyona Turner 16 5/4/11
Erica Escobar 27 5/3/11
Lucien Bergez 89 5/3/11
Tahir Hafeez 26 5/2/11
Melisa Solerto 23 5/2/11
Miguel Moral 25 5/1/11
Francisco Macias 24 5/1/11
Arthur Buma 71 5/1/11
Marcelo Aragon 35 4/30/11
Frederick Simon 47 4/30/11
Kristy Roby 32 4/29/11
Adrine Arzumanyan 33 4/29/11
Carlos Ibarrondo 17 4/29/11
Dean Albert 55 4/28/11
Gregory Horn 25 4/28/11
Daniel Villanueva 29 4/28/11
Brenda Williams 57 4/27/11
Vincent Clark 42 4/27/11
Jose Solorio 46 4/27/11
Thomas Joseph 41 4/24/11
Larry Green 29 4/24/11
Edgar Battad 63 4/24/11
Dominique McDaniels 18 4/24/11
Gerald Johnson 66 4/23/11
Daniel Orona 30 4/22/11
Brandon Taoipu 27 4/22/11
Jorge Jeronimo 27 4/22/11
Jesus Sanchez 22 4/21/11
Jose Flores 19 4/20/11
Kevin Bell 25 4/18/11
Jesus De La Cruz 17 4/17/11
Lorenzo Smith 22 4/17/11
Manuel Santizo 28 4/17/11
Kenneth Glass III 19 4/16/11
Brian Johnson 28 4/16/11
Raymond Sweet 47 4/15/11
Remington Eastwood 65 4/14/11
Joseph Ulloa 22 4/14/11
Christian Montoya 24 4/14/11
Eduardo Triana 35 4/13/11
Frank Johnson 59 4/13/11
George Rodriguez Jr. 30 4/13/11
Oscar Vega 19 4/11/11
Jeremiah Zapata 25 4/10/11
Ricky Juarez 17 4/9/11
Carlos Tejeda 28 4/8/11
Ryan Modica 39 4/7/11
Roshan Bhandari 23 4/5/11
Mylan Waggoner 36 4/5/11
Jorge Garcia 52 4/2/11
Martha Garcia 78 4/2/11
Juan Villa 36 3/31/11
James Dukes 41 3/30/11
Latasha Craver 19 3/30/11
Reydasel Villarreal 41 3/28/11
Joseph Herd 27 3/28/11
Jorge Jimenez 31 3/28/11
Commedore Lenoir 29 3/27/11
Hugo Hidalgo 24 3/27/11
Jose Cardona 16 3/26/11
Mark Salisbury 39 3/26/11
Philip Williamson 29 3/25/11
Dean Hyde 44 3/21/11
Landon Neal 51 3/19/11
Oscar Sanchez 18 3/18/11
Ryan Reese 26 3/18/11
Jesucita Ortega 25 3/17/11
Edward McMahon 54 3/14/11
Ricardo Jarquin 20 3/13/11
Maria Guzman-Neriz 44 3/12/11
Daniel Silva 18 3/12/11
Justin Ford 23 3/12/11
Samuel Turner 18 3/10/11
Moises Fierros 31 3/10/11
Brandon Grayson 24 3/9/11
Russell Salas 53 3/8/11
Charles Giddings 26 3/7/11
David Valle 17 3/6/11
Jarrod Atkins 29 3/6/11
Jesus Castro 33 3/6/11
Narda Huerta 48 3/6/11
Tony Argon 18 3/5/11
Bobby Jones 28 3/4/11
Gabriel Dominguez 2 3/3/11
Roger Williams 41 3/3/11
Jane Doe #11 3/2/11
Christina Salazar 17 3/2/11
Robert Hodges 40 3/2/11
Jonathan Najera 20 3/1/11
Rodrick Brumfield 44 3/1/11
Thomas Riley 16 2/27/11
Juan Ramirez-Mendez 35 2/26/11
Kevin Hirtle 38 2/24/11
Roberto Herrera 44 2/23/11
Donald Kelly 29 2/22/11
Saray Rivas 15 2/21/11
Roberto Sanchez 13 2/21/11
Avery Dean 22 2/20/11
David Mcmahon 49 2/19/11
Gabriela Stein 42 2/19/11
Jewell King 54 2/19/11
Stephen Bullock 33 2/18/11
James Stein 53 2/15/11
Miguel Sanchez Jr. 21 2/15/11
Jose Roman 18 2/13/11
Alfonso Nava 26 2/13/11
Diego Garcia 25 2/13/11
Jubal Guevara-Trinidad 55 2/13/11
Brandon Jackson 18 2/12/11
Ismael Garcia 28 2/12/11
Martin Haro 25 2/11/11
Anthony Jimenez 24 2/11/11
Luis Jimenez 26 2/11/11
Angel Jimenez 25 2/11/11
Debra Escobedo 60 2/11/11
Raul Escobedo 67 2/11/11
Rene Pichardo 26 2/11/11
Raul Valentin 17 2/10/11
Jose Quirino 55 2/9/11
Herbert Seymour Jr. 31 2/9/11
Robert Jalomo 35 2/8/11
Charles Gonzalez 51 2/7/11
Jovan Bronson 19 2/6/11
Gary Moreno 30 2/5/11
Amelia Espinoza 42 2/4/11
Michael Baldwin 34 2/4/11
Ruben Campos 21 2/3/11
Darsy Noriega 18 2/2/11
James Green Jr. 35 2/2/11
Cornelio Garcia 72 2/1/11
Eric Redd 36 2/1/11
Ernesto Viagomez 22 1/31/11
Michael Randolph 46 1/31/11
Plutarco Salguero Soriano 26 1/30/11
Edwin Perla 19 1/29/11
Martin Valdovinos 43 1/28/11
Joey Gutierrez 23 1/28/11
Vicki Yildirim 45 1/27/11
Vincent Crawford 20 1/27/11
Hugo Aguilar 21 1/26/11
Esquivel Castillo 51 1/25/11
Willy Rosoto-Reyes 46 1/24/11
Andrew Cherry 46 1/24/11
Earl Rhodes 48 1/24/11
Paul Vela 28 1/23/11
Christopher Arviso 27 1/23/11
Jose Ramos Jr. 18 1/23/11
Francisco Ponce 17 1/23/11
Sor Phouma 52 1/22/11
Gregorio Mejia-Murillo 24 1/21/11
Alexandro Montoya 35 1/20/11
Donnell Taylor 47 1/19/11
Carlos Heredia Jr. 17 1/18/11
Benjamin Jackson 29 1/17/11
Jose Vera-Eugenio 21 1/17/11
Nahun Chavez 34 1/17/11
Larry Perkins 47 1/17/11
Marietta Goodridge 72 1/16/11
Travis Patterson 31 1/15/11
Valerie Deras 1/15/11
Juan Miranda 18 1/14/11
Reginald Doucet Jr. 25 1/14/11
Marcus Walker 20 1/13/11
Eugene Ersek 56 1/13/11
Leonard Thrower 18 1/12/11
Nestor Torres 37 1/11/11
Bruno Rodriguez 73 1/11/11
Edgar Velazquez 36 1/10/11
Lisa Nguyen 27 1/9/11
Eleodoro Gaspar-Tlatelpa 26 1/8/11
Eileen Garnreiter 22 1/8/11
Derrick Abernathy 20 1/8/11
Keenan Handy 20 1/7/11
Carlos Ibanez 28 1/4/11
Douglas Bland 26 1/4/11
Louis Smith 33 1/4/11
Enedine Vigil 33 1/4/11
Dnary Fowler 19 1/2/11
Derick Thornton 52 1/2/11
Jose Celeridad 42 1/1/11
a 18-year-old black female, died Friday, July 6, 2007, after being shot in Mid-City, according to Los Angeles County coroner’s records.

Homicides: Jan. 1, 2007 to Dec. 18, 2011

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Source: The Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles County coroner’s office
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