Pentagon establishes Defense Clandestine Service, new espionage unit

Washington Post

By Greg Miller

April 23, 2012

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Pentagon is planning to ramp up its spying operations against high-priority targets such as Iran under an intelligence reorganization aimed at expanding on the military’s espionage efforts beyond war zones, a senior defense official said Monday.

The newly created Defense Clandestine Service would work closely with the CIA — pairing two organizations that have often seen each other as rivals — in an effort to bolster espionage operations overseas at a time when the missions of the agency and the military increasingly converge.

 

The plan, the official said, was developed in response to a classified study completed last year by the director of national intelligence that concluded that the military’s espionage efforts needed to be more focused on major targets beyond the tactical considerations of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The new service will seek to “make sure officers are in the right locations to pursue those requirements,” said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the “realignment” of the military’s classified human espionage efforts.

The official declined to provide details on where such shifts might occur, but the nation’s most pressing intelligence priorities in recent years have included counter­terrorism, nonproliferation and ascendant powers such as China.

Creation of the new service also coincides with the appointment of a number of senior officials at the Pentagon who have extensive backgrounds in intelligence and firm opinions on where the military’s spying programs — often seen as lackluster by CIA insiders — have gone wrong.

Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta, who signed off on the newly created service last week, served as CIA director at a time when the agency relied extensively on military hardware, including armed drones, in its fight against al-Qaeda.

Michael Vickers, the undersecretary of defense for intelligence and the main force behind the changes, is best known as one of the architects of the CIA’s program to arm Islamist militants to oust the Soviets from Afghanistan in the 1980s. He is also a former member of U.S. Special Operations forces.

The realignment is expected to affect several hundred military operatives who already work in spying assignments abroad, mostly as case officers for the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), which serves as the Pentagon’s main source of human intelligence and analysis.

The official said the new service is expected to grow “from several hundred to several more hundred” operatives in the coming years. Despite the potentially provocative name for the new service, the official played down concerns that the Pentagon was seeking to usurp the role of the CIA or its National Clandestine Service.

This “does not involve new manpower . . . does not involve new authorities,” the official said. Instead, the official said, the DIA is shifting its emphasis “as we look to come out of war zones and anticipate the requirements over the next several years.”

Congressional officials said they were seeking more details about the plan.

“My question is, why? What’s missing and what’s going on?” said a senior Senate aide who had been given a preliminary briefing on the new service.

In some respects, the broad outlines of the plan are reminiscent of Pentagon efforts under Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld to move the military into areas of intelligence that had long been the domain of the CIA.

But a second congressional official, who also was not authorized to discuss the program publicly, said the coordination behind the new plan, in which the DIA’s program will be more closely modeled on its CIA counterpart, has eased some of those long-standing concerns.

“If this were an attempt of the type we saw during the Rumsfeld years to consolidate human intelligence to have a better bulwark against what the CIA is doing, that would be a concern,” the second congressional official said. “But I don’t think that’s what’s going on.”

The plan was unveiled about a week after a senior U.S. Army officer with extensive experience in Special Operations and counter­insurgency fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan was nominated to serve as the next chief of the DIA.

While serving in Afghanistan, Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn published a harsh critique of intelligence operations in that country, criticizing collectors as being too focused on tactical threats and failing to understand the broader demographic and political context of the battlefield.

About 15 percent of the DIA’s case officers will be part of the Defense Clandestine Service, the defense official said. New, more clearly delineated career paths will give DIA case officers better opportunities to continue their espionage assignments abroad, he said.

The new service fits into a broader convergence trend. U.S. Special Operations forces are increasingly engaged in intelligence collection overseas and have collaborated with the CIA on missions including the raid on Osama bin Laden’s compound in Pakistan and ongoing drone strikes in Yemen.

The blurring is also evident in the organizations’ upper ranks. Panetta previously served as CIA director, and that post is currently held by retired four-star Army Gen. David H. Petraeus.

 

 

Direct Link:  http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/pentagon-creates-new-espionage-unit/2012/04/23/gIQA9R7DcT_story.html

 

Secret Terrorism-Espionage Wiretaps Increased in 2011

ABC News
By Jason Ryan
May 4, 2012

The Justice Department sought 1,745 secret wiretapping warrants in 2011, an increase of 239 over 2010, according to correspondence sent to Congressional leaders and oversight committees posted on the Justice Department website.  The secret warrants are governed under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) and are used in terrorist and espionage investigations by the FBI. The secret warrants are prepared by FBI agents and prosecutors to present to the secret Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court in Washington.

Sent to Congressional leaders and Vice President Joseph Biden, the letter from Assistant Attorney General Ronald Weich said, “During the calendar year 2011, the government made 1,745 applications to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court ( hereinafter FISC) …for authority to conduct electronic surveillance and/or physical searches for foreign intelligence purposes.”

A copy of the letters can be viewed here.

The letter says that 1,676 of the applications were for electronic surveillance. It is impossible to determine based on the information made available if the 69 other warrants were for physical searches during terrorism and espionage investigations.  Some FISA warrants can cover both electronic intercepts and physical searches when FBI agents secretly enter an area and pull information off of computers or documents they are seeking as part of their investigation.

Justice Department spokesman Dean Boyd declined to comment on any specific reasons for the fluctuations in the numbers.

“The number of applications that the government submits to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) to conduct court-authorized surveillance in national security matters varies from year-to-year and depends on myriad of different factors.  The annual numbers have gone up and down and up over the past decade.”  Boyd said when asked about the change in numbers.

The number of FISA applications was highest in 2007 when there were 2,370 applications to conduct electronic and physical surveillance. The number steadily grew after the 9/11 attacks.

Changes to the law in 2008 by Congress changed parts of the law, and the numbers dropped significantly.  Before the changes were enacted a FISA warrant was needed to conduct surveillance on two foreign targets overseas if the surveillance was conducted for communications that passed on any U.S.-based circuits such as emails or Internet phones that may be routed through U.S. computer servers.

The Bush administration had established the controversial Terrorist Surveillance Program which allowed the NSA to wiretap terrorism suspects inside the United States if they were contacting known al Qaeda suspects overseas without a FISA warrant. The program known as Stellar Wind was eventually canceled and brought under review by the FISC.

The new Justice Department letter dated April 30, 2012 also notes that the FBI issued 16,511 National Security Letters (NSL) to obtain certain records and information in investigations. The letter asserts that the requests were for investigations relating to 7,201 different US persons. The number of National Security Letters declined dramatically from 2010 when the FBI had sought 24,287 NSLs.

In the immediate years after the 9/11 attacks the Justice Department Inspector General found that NSLs were overused by FBI agents to gather information.

The FBI submitted 205 requests to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court under Section 215 of the USA PATRIOT Act, the so-called “Library Provision,” which allows the FBI to obtain business record information. This number almost doubled when compared to the 2010 numbers when 96 section 215 orders were submitted to the court.

Certain sections of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act are slated to expire at the end of 2012. Attorney General Eric Holder and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper sent a letter in February to Congressional leaders urging them to reauthorize the sections of the law that are set to expire.

A background policy paper prepared by the Justice Department and the Director of National Intelligence said, “It is essential that these authorities remain in place without interruption — and without threat of interruption — so that those who have been entrusted with their use can continue to protect the nation from its enemies.”

 

Direct Link:  http://abcnews.go.com/blogs/politics/2012/05/secret-terrorism-espionage-wiretaps-increased-in-2011/

 

 

Computer expert who stole eight million people’s personal details for an ‘intellectual challenge’ jailed for two and half years

 

  • Program scanned through 200,000 PayPal accounts
  • Part of Nokia internal network temporarily shut down
  • Girlfriend used stolen card details to try and pay for luxury hotels
  • Hacker hoarded enough personal details to fill 67,500 double-sided A4 pages

 

MAIL Online (UK)

By Phil Vinter

3 April 2012

 

 

A computer hacker illegally acquired enough credit and debit card details to carry out a potential £800,000 worth of fraud.

Edward Pearson, 23, of Lendale, York, used a trojan virus to download thousands of credit card details along with the postcodes, passwords, names and dates of birth of more than eight million people in the UK.

One of his programs scanned through 200,000 accounts registered to online payment service PayPal – identifying names, passwords and current balances.

Pearson, an ‘incredibly talented’ boarding school student who carried out the crime for an ‘intellectual challenge’, has been jailed for two years and two months.

Fraudster: Edward Pearson, 23, stole the personal details of more than eight million people. 

Fraudster: Edward Pearson, 23, stole the personal details of more than eight million people.

 

 

Pearson's girlfriend Cassandra Mennim, 21, tried to pay for luxury hotels using stolen credit card details 

Pearson’s girlfriend Cassandra Mennim, 21, tried to pay for luxury hotels using stolen credit card details

 

He also managed to shut down part of the mobile phone giant Nokia’s internal network for two weeks after hacking in and copying the details of over 8,000 members of staff, Southwark Crown Court heard.

His 21-year-old girlfriend, Cassandra Mennim, a sociology student at the University of York, triggered a police inquiry after she tried to pay for luxury hotel stays using stolen credit card details.

Pearson was arrested after investigators linked a web alias, ‘G-Zero’, which had appeared on hacking forums, to his personal email address.

On one of his computers officers found 8,110,474 names, dates of birth, and postcodes for adults living in the UK.

Police officers in the case said that if the details were printed onto double-sided A4 it would fill a staggering 67,500 sheets.

David Hughes, prosecuting, said the hacker had carried out a series of ‘sophisticated, planned frauds.’

He said: ‘Pearson used his considerable expertise for his criminal intentions.

‘When police examined other computers they found the details of 2,701 credit or debit cards.

‘Based on the average fraud used on a single card being £309, the potential gain to be made by him was £834,000.

‘In fact the actual fraud on these credit and debit cards attributed to Pearson amounted to £2,351, but the total on the cards was £39,832.’

The details were all stolen over an 18-month period between January 1, 2010, and August 30, 2011.

Pearson coded trojan viruses, called Zeus, SpyEye and Python, to automatically scour the internet in search of personal details.

His Python program successfully downloaded the details of 200,000 PayPal accounts.

Mr Hughes added that Pearson had hacked into the systems of Nokia and web giant AOL to gain access to their employees’ details, as well as other sensitive information.

‘This had a significant negative impact on the company, which had to shut its networks down for two weeks while checks were carried out on it,’ he said.

Mennim was caught after booking rooms at the Cedar Court Grand Hotel and Lady Anne Middleton Hotel, both in York, using stolen credit card details and PayPal accounts.

Andrew Bodnar, defending Pearson, said his hacking had not been for financial gain, but more as an intellectual challenge.

‘This is a young man who has very advance computer skills, but has put them to the wrong use, but he is not the criminal mastermind that everyone claims he is.

‘The total amount of money he fraudulently amounted, is the figure of £2,351.

Pearson's girlfriend Cassandra Mennim tried to pay for a luxury hotel stay at the Cedar Court Grand Hotel in York 

Pearson’s girlfriend Cassandra Mennim tried to pay for a luxury hotel stay at the Cedar Court Grand Hotel in York

 

Mennim also used PayPal details to tell staff she would pay for an expensive stay at Lady Anne Middleton's Hotel, in York 

Mennim also used PayPal details to tell staff she would pay for an expensive stay at Lady Anne Middleton’s Hotel, in York

 

‘These have been done using the Paypal accounts, to order pizza and other takeaway foods, and to pay for mobile phone accounts.

‘It is fair to say that he produced the Trojan, Zeus and other software as an intellectual challenge, and he hacked into Nokia to see if he could.’

He added that although he had shared some of the details, he had never sold them.

 

Shut down: Mobile phone giant Nokia was shut down by Pearson for two weeks after he hacked in to their network and copied the details of more than 8,000 members of staff, Southwark Crown Court heard 

Shut down: Mobile phone giant Nokia was shut down by Pearson for two weeks after he hacked in to their network and copied the details of more than 8,000 members of staff, Southwark Crown Court heard

 

Stephen Grattage, defending Mennim, who gained 9 A’s and 4 A*’s at GCSEs, said she was a vulnerable young women who had found comfort in Pearson following a difficult previous relationship.

‘She stands before the court, saying she is ashamed of herself, and she is ashamed of her actions and is very sorry.

‘She says she will pay back the money that she owes to the hotel.’

‘This was a very sophisticated crime, in which you managed to access highly confidential information and put many individuals at risk of attack.’
MS RECORDER ANN MULLIGAN

Sentencing Pearson to two years and two months and handing Mennim a 12 month supervision order the judge Ms Recorder Ann Mulligan said: ‘It is extremely regrettable that you two promising young individuals find yourself in the dock.

‘This was a very sophisticated crime, in which you managed to access highly confidential information and put many many individuals at risk of attack.

‘You had a staggering amount of personal details, 8.1 million, which included names, dates of births, credit and debit card details and security codes, the use of which they could have been used for, is hard to imagine.

‘Your computers and software were a devastating tool kit.

‘I accept that you didn’t sell this information, but you shared it with other computer programmers, and you had no way of knowing how they might use this information.

Victim: Online payment provider PayPal was hacked into by computer expert Edward Pearson 

Victim: Online payment provider PayPal was hacked into by computer expert Edward Pearson

 

‘This stupendous criminality was not about financial gain, but about an intellectual challenge.’

Pearson, originally from Blandford Forum, Dorset, and now of Lendale, York, admitted making an article for use in fraud and two counts of possession of an article for use in fraud.

Mennim, of Balmoral Terrace, South Gosforth, Newcastle upon Tyne, admitted two counts of obtaining services dishonestly.

 

 

Direct Link:  http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2124114/Computer-hacker-Edward-Pearson-Lendale-York-stole-million-people-s-personal-details-jailed-half-years.html

 

 

Unfortunately, Many times witnesses feel they NEED to help, & ID the Wrong Person or just LIE!… UNACCEPTABLE!

————

Conviction in 1984 South Pasadena murder overturned

A former Glendora High football star got 25 years to life in the slaying. A judge faults detectives for failing to turn over evidence pointing to a possible other suspect.

Los Angeles Times
By Jack Leonard
April 4, 2012

 

 

Frank O'Connell

 

Frank O’Connell, who insists he had nothing to do with the fatal shooting of a South Pasadena maintenance man, is shown in court last summer. (Irfan Khan, Los Angeles Times / July 14, 2011)

 

 

A Los Angeles County judge has overturned a 1985 murder conviction in the fatal shooting of a maintenance man in South Pasadena, finding that sheriff’s detectives failed to disclose records pointing to another possible suspect and may have improperly influenced witnesses.

Superior Court Judge Suzette Clover made the ruling after the prosecution’s key witness recanted, telling the judge at a hearing that he never got a good look at the killer and felt pressured to make a positive identification after tentatively identifying Frank O’Connell as the gunman during a photo lineup.

O’Connell, whose conviction was based largely on eyewitness testimony, has maintained that he had nothing to do with the killing.

“It’s been a long time coming,” said Verna Wefald, one of his attorneys. “Until you step into somebody else’s shoes and live that nightmare, it’s impossible to imagine how a person endures.”

O’Connell, a former Glendora High School football star, was sentenced to 25 years to life for the murder of Jay French, who was gunned down Jan. 5, 1984, in a carport area of the State Street apartment complex where he lived and worked.

As he lay fatally wounded, French told two police officers that he didn’t know the killer but that the gunman had been in a yellow Ford Pinto. The dying man also told his wife that the killer looked like someone who associated with his ex-wife, whom he had been fighting in court over custody of their young son.

Detectives linked O’Connell to the shooting after learning that he had recently had a romantic relationship with the victim’s ex-wife. He also matched the description from witnesses of a tall, slender blond gunman.

A tenant in the apartment complex, Daniel Druecker, had seen the shooting and identified O’Connell as the gunman from a photo lineup. Druecker’s testimony was the linchpin of the case against O’Connell, and he testified that he was sure O’Connell was the killer.

But last summer, Druecker returned to the same Pasadena courtroom where O’Connell had been convicted more than a quarter century ago. Facing him, on either side of the audience, were the families of French and O’Connell — just as they had been for the trial.

Druecker testified that he had barely caught a glimpse of the gunman’s profile and had not been wearing his glasses. He felt pressured and intimidated by the investigators and the justice system, he said, so never admitted that he really didn’t know whether O’Connell was the man he had seen.

“I felt that I couldn’t back out,” he told the court. “I ruined a man’s life.”

The district attorney’s office argued that Druecker’s recantation was unreliable and denied that investigators pressured him.

Prosecutors noted that Judge Sally Disco — who convicted O’Connell after he opted for a trial before a judge instead of a jury — found the case against him to be “overwhelming.” Among the evidence she highlighted was a police sketch of the gunman based on Druecker’s description that she said bore a “striking resemblance” to O’Connell.

But in her ruling last week, Clover described the sheriff’s identification procedure with Druecker as “suggestive” and faulted detectives for not turning over notes from their investigation. Those notes showed that a neighbor of the ex-wife who testified that he had seen O’Connell driving a yellow Pinto station wagon had failed to positively identify O’Connell from a photo lineup.

The same sheriff’s notes also revealed that another boyfriend of the victim’s ex-wife was suspected of trying to kill French four years earlier. That man was described as tall with sandy or blond hair.

Clover ruled that the detectives’ notes probably would have changed the outcome of O’Connell’s trial had they been turned over to the defense. The judge also cited several sworn declarations presented by O’Connell’s defense from people who said the victim’s ex-wife confessed to being involved and said O’Connell was innocent.

Prosecutors could appeal the ruling or retry the case. A retrial appears unlikely given Druecker’s recantation. A district attorney’s spokeswoman said the office will announce its plans at a court hearing April 17. Until then, O’Connell remains in prison.

French’s older sister, Jolene Cordova, said her family was disappointed with Clover’s decision and believes that O’Connell was responsible for the killing. Cordova said that the case had been thrown out on a “technicality” and that the victim’s family blames investigators for not ensuring that the case was airtight back in the 1980s.

“If they had done their job better in 1985, we wouldn’t be here today,” she said. “It’s like reliving it all over again.”

Kate Germond, the director of the nonprofit Centurion Ministries, which advocates for the release of inmates it contends were wrongfully convicted, said Clover’s ruling struck at the heart of the prosecution’s case. Germond, who investigated O’Connell’s case for about 15 years, said her client learned about the ruling on Tuesday.

“He’s in a complete and utter state of shock,” she said. “We know Frank O’Connell is innocent.”

 

Direct Link:  http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-conviction-overturned-20120404,0,6665258.story?track=rss

 

Police Are Using Phone Tracking as a Routine Tool

The New York Times
By ERIC LICHTBLAU
March 31, 2012

 

 

WASHINGTON —

Law enforcement tracking of cellphones, once the province mainly of federal agents, has become a powerful and widely used surveillance tool for local police officials, with hundreds of departments, large and small, often using it aggressively with little or no court oversight, documents show.

Raymond McCrea Jones for The New York Times
A GPS tracker. The Supreme Court recently ruled that such a device placed on a suspect’s car was an unreasonable search.

 

The practice has become big business for cellphone companies, too, with a handful of carriers marketing a catalog of “surveillance fees” to police departments to determine a suspect’s location, trace phone calls and texts or provide other services. Some departments log dozens of traces a month for both emergencies and routine investigations.

With cellphones ubiquitous, the police call phone tracing a valuable weapon in emergencies like child abductions and suicide calls and investigations in drug cases and murders. One police training manual describes cellphones as “the virtual biographer of our daily activities,” providing a hunting ground for learning contacts and travels.

But civil liberties advocates say the wider use of cell tracking raises legal and constitutional questions, particularly when the police act without judicial orders. While many departments require warrants to use phone tracking in non-emergencies, others claim broad discretion to get the records on their own, according to 5,500 pages of internal records obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union from 205 police departments nationwide.

The internal documents, which were provided to The New York Times, open a window into a cloak-and-dagger practice that police officials are wary about discussing publicly. While cell tracking by local police departments has received some limited public attention in the last few years, the A.C.L.U. documents show that the practice is in much wider use — with far looser safeguards — than officials have previously acknowledged.

The issue has taken on new legal urgency in light of a Supreme Court ruling in January finding that a Global Positioning System tracking device placed on a drug suspect’s car violated his Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable searches. While the ruling did not directly involve cellphones — many of which also include GPS locators — it raised questions about the standards for cellphone tracking, lawyers say.

The police records show many departments struggling to understand and abide by the legal complexities of cellphone tracking, even as they work to exploit the technology.

In cities in Nevada, North Carolina and other states, police departments have gotten wireless carriers to track cellphone signals back to cell towers as part of non-emergency investigations to identify all the callers using a particular tower, records show.

In California, state prosecutors advised local police departments on ways to get carriers to “clone” a phone and download text messages while it is turned off.

In Ogden, Utah, when the Sheriff’s Department wants information on a cellphone, it leaves it up to the carrier to determine what the sheriff must provide. “Some companies ask that when we have time to do so, we obtain court approval for the tracking request,” the Sheriff’s Department said in a written response to the A.C.L.U.

And in Arizona, even small police departments found cell surveillance so valuable that they acquired their own tracking equipment to avoid the time and expense of having the phone companies carry out the operations for them. The police in the town of Gilbert, for one, spent $244,000 on such equipment. 

Cell carriers, staffed with special law enforcement liaison teams, charge police departments from a few hundred dollars for locating a phone to more than $2,200 for a full-scale wiretap of a suspect, records show.

Most of the police departments cited in the records did not return calls seeking comment. But other law enforcement officials said the legal questions were outweighed by real-life benefits.

The police in Grand Rapids, Mich., for instance, used a cell locator in February to find a stabbing victim who was in a basement hiding from his attacker.

“It’s pretty valuable, simply because there are so many people who have cellphones,” said Roxann Ryan, a criminal analyst with Iowa’s state intelligence branch. “We find people,” she said, “and it saves lives.”

Many departments try to keep cell tracking secret, the documents show, because of possible backlash from the public and legal problems. Although there is no evidence that the police have listened to phone calls without warrants, some defense lawyers have challenged other kinds of evidence gained through warrantless cell tracking.

“Do not mention to the public or the media the use of cellphone technology or equipment used to locate the targeted subject,” the Iowa City Police Department warned officers in one training manual. It should also be kept out of police reports, it advised.

In Nevada, a training manual warned officers that using cell tracing to locate someone without a warrant “IS ONLY AUTHORIZED FOR LIFE-THREATENING EMERGENCIES!!” The practice, it said, had been “misused” in some standard investigations to collect information the police did not have the authority to collect.

“Some cell carriers have been complying with such requests, but they cannot be expected to continue to do so as it is outside the scope of the law,” the advisory said. “Continued misuse by law enforcement agencies will undoubtedly backfire.”

Another training manual prepared by California prosecutors in 2010 advises police officials on “how to get the good stuff” using cell technology.

The presentation said that since the Supreme Court first ruled on wiretapping law in 1928 in a Prohibition-era case involving a bootlegger, “subtler and more far-reaching means of invading privacy have become available to the government.”

Technological breakthroughs, it continued, have made it possible for the government “to obtain disclosure in court of what is whispered in the closet.”

In interviews, lawyers and law enforcement officials agreed that there was uncertainty over what information the police are entitled to get legally from cell companies, what standards of evidence they must meet and when courts must get involved.

A number of judges have come to conflicting decisions in balancing cellphone users’ constitutional privacy rights with law enforcement’s need for information.

In a 2010 ruling, the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, in Philadelphia, said a judge could require the authorities to obtain a warrant based on probable cause before demanding cellphone records or location information from a provider. (A similar case from Texas is pending in the Fifth Circuit.)

“It’s terribly confusing, and it’s understandable, when even the federal courts can’t agree,” said Michael Sussman, a Washington lawyer who represents cell carriers. The carriers “push back a lot” when the police urgently seek out cell locations or other information in what are purported to be life-or-death situations, he said. “Not every emergency is really an emergency.”

Congress and about a dozen states are considering legislative proposals to tighten restrictions on the use of cell tracking.

While cell tracing allows the police to get records and locations of users, the A.C.L.U. documents give no indication that departments have conducted actual wiretapping operations — listening to phone calls — without court warrants required under federal law.

Much of the debate over phone surveillance in recent years has focused on the federal government and counterterrorism operations, particularly a once-secret program authorized by President George W. Bush after the Sept. 11 attacks. It allowed the National Security Agency to eavesdrop on phone calls of terrorism suspects and monitor huge amounts of phone and e-mail traffic without court-approved intelligence warrants.

Clashes over the program’s legality led Congress to broaden the government’s eavesdropping powers in 2008. As part of the law, the Bush administration insisted that phone companies helping in the program be given immunity against lawsuits.

Since then, the wide use of cell surveillance has seeped down to even small, rural police departments in investigations unrelated to national security.

“It’s become run of the mill,” said Catherine Crump, an A.C.L.U. lawyer who coordinated the group’s gathering of police records. “And the advances in technology are rapidly outpacing the state of the law.”

 

Direct Link:  http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/01/us/police-tracking-of-cellphones-raises-privacy-fears.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

 

These Are The Prices AT&T, Verizon and Sprint Charge For Cellphone Wiretaps

 

 

FORBES.com

Andy Greenberg

Forbes Staff

April 2, 2012

 

 

 

 

 

If Americans aren’t disturbed by phone carriers’ practices of handing over cell phone users’ personal data to law enforcement en masse–in many cases without a warrant–we might at least be interested to learn just how much that service is costing us in tax dollars: often hundreds or thousands per individual snooped.

Earlier this week the American Civil Liberties Union revealed a trove of documents it had obtained through Freedom of Information Requests to more than 200 police departments around the country. They show a pattern of police tracking cell phone locations and gathering other data like call logs without warrants, using devices that impersonate cell towers to intercept cellular signals, and encouraging officers to refrain from speaking about cell-tracking technology to the public, all detailed in a New York Times story.

But at least one document also details the day-to-day business of telecoms’ handing over of data to law enforcement, including a breakdown of every major carrier’s fees for every sort of data request from targeted wiretaps to so-called “tower dumps” that provide information on every user of certain cell tower. The guide, as provided by the Tucson, Arizona police department to the ACLU, is dated July 2009, and the fees it lists may be somewhat outdated. But representatives I reached by email at Verizon and AT&T both declined to detail any changes to the numbers.

 

Here are a few of the highlights from the fee data.

  • Wiretaps cost hundreds of dollars per target every month, generally paid at daily or monthly rates. To wiretap a customer’s phone, T-Mobile charges law enforcement a flat fee of $500 per target. Sprint’s wireless carrier Sprint Nextel requires police pay $400 per “market area” and per “technology” as well as a $10 per day fee, capped at $2,000. AT&T charges a $325 activation fee, plus $5 per day for data and $10 for audio. Verizon charges a $50 administrative fee plus $700 per month, per target.
  • Data requests for voicemail or text messages cost extra. AT&T demands $150 for access to a target’s voicemail, while Verizon charges $50 for access to text messages. Sprint offers the most detailed breakdown of fees for various kinds of data on a phone, asking $120 for pictures or video, $60 for email, $60 for voice mail and $30 for text messages.
  • All four telecom firms also offer so-called “tower dumps” that allow police to see the numbers of every user accessing a certain cell tower over a certain time at an hourly rate. AT&T charges $75 per tower per hour, with a minimum of two hours. Verizon charges between $30 and $60 per hour for each cell tower. T-Mobile demands $150 per cell tower per hour, and Sprint charges $50 per tower, seemingly without an hourly rate.
  • For location data, the carrier firms offer automated tools that let police track suspects in real time. Sprint charges $30 per month per target to use its L-Site program for location tracking. AT&T’s E911 tool costs $100 to activate and then $25 a day. T-Mobile charges a much pricier $100 per day.

 

 

 

In an emailed statement to me, a Verizon spokesperson told me that the company doesn’t charge police in “emergency cases, nor do we charge law enforcement for historical location information in non-emergency cases.” He added that the company doesn’t “make a profit from any of the data requests from law enforcement.” A Sprint spokesperson sent me a statement saying that the company similarly doesn’t charge law enforcement for data requests in “exigent circumstances.”

“Fees are charged to law enforcement in other circumstances such as court ordered requests and it’s important to note that any fee charged is for recovery of cost required to support these law enforcement requests 24/7,” she writes.

T-Mobile declined to comment, and an AT&T spokesperson referred me to the company’s privacy policy, pointing out a specific line that reads, “We do not sell your personal information to anyone for any purpose.  Period.”

That claim is “simply misleading,” says Catherine Crump, an attorney with the ACLU who coordinated the group’s FOIA project. “That’s a curious definition of ‘sell,’ given that they seem to be charging money for people’s information on a regular basis and handing it over to law enforcement agencies around the country.”

I’ve embedded the Tucson police department document below. The ACLU has created a summary of the very large collection of data it’s obtained here, and the full collection can be found here.

 

Direct Link:  http://www.forbes.com/sites/andygreenberg/2012/04/03/these-are-the-prices-att-verizon-and-sprint-charge-for-cellphone-wiretaps/

 

NSA’s New Data Center And Supercomputer Aim To Crack World’s Strongest Encryption

 

 

 

Private investigator bill raises some concerns

Standard-Examiner staff

By Michael McFall

Mon, 03/26/2012

 

 

SALT LAKE CITY —

Lt. Lee Perry of the Utah Highway Patrol has reservations about Senate Bill 210 that gives new powers to private investigators.

The bill passed the Legislature but has yet to be signed by Gov. Gary Herbert. SB 210 would allow private agencies such as law firms and real estate companies to hire private investigators to serve all civil processes, including vacate and eviction notices, bench warrants, summonses and subpoenas. These are responsibilities that are now done by constables or law enforcement officers.

“They’re not trained in the same way as officers,” said Perry, who is also a state representative from Box Elder County and voted against the bill.

Many private investigators are former officers who know how to handle those situations, but under current state law, anyone who wants to be an investigator doesn’t have to take police training, “and that’s the hang-up,” Perry said.

Perry wonders what happens when people who don’t understand the recipient’s basic constitutional rights act inappropriately. If a resident or the investigators end up having to call law enforcement to assist in the situation, he questions what the bill really accomplishes.

The bill faced stiff opposition in the Senate, but passed 16-12 after sponsor Sen. Stephen Urquhart, R-St. George, added that the investigators cannot make arrests when serving a bench warrant.

Rep. Lowry Snow, R-St. George, sponsored the bill in the House and made sure to include a provision that investigators cannot use any force or breach the peace in performing these duties.

“It is true that (private investigators) have not been through the same training that a police officer will go through or a constable,” Snow said. “But they are regulated by the state Department of Professional Licensing and must adhere to the rules and regulations of that agency.”

In the House, Perry added a requirement that the investigators have to identify themselves and state that they’re acting as process servers, carry visible credentials and provide their contact information.

He also changed the bill so that if a sheriff’s office receives a credible complaint about an investigator, the department can ban him or her from performing those duties in that county ever again.

“I tried to give as much protection as I possibly could,” Perry said.

The final version passed the House on the last night of the session by a 38-36 vote.

One local private investigator shares Perry’s concerns about the possible law.

Jeff Nelson, who has been a private investigator in North Salt Lake for almost 35 years, said the bill does not make much sense to him. He’s been involved in at least 2,000 criminal cases and worries for the investigator’s safety while serving warrants. Sometimes “you run into someone who is a bad guy,” he said.

It’s better to send someone into these situations who is more qualified, he said.

If the governor signs SB 210, Perry plans to work with Rep. Curtis Oda, R-Clearfield, over the coming months on a new bill that would further clarify what the investigators can and cannot do.

 

Direct Link:  http://www.standard.net/stories/2012/03/25/private-investigator-bill-raises-some-concerns

 

 

 

Sheriff’s Office training security guards to boost Harris force

Chron.com News
By James Pinkerton
Thursday, March 22, 2012

 

 

 

  • Private security guard Juergen Jaggi, left, talks to Deputy Alfred Gonzales  during an eight-hour training session Thursday at the Harris County Sheriff's Academy in Humble. Photo: Michael Paulsen / © 2012 Houston Chronicle

    Private security guard Juergen Jaggi, left, talks to Deputy Alfred Gonzales during an eight-hour training session Thursday at the Harris County Sheriff’s Academy in Humble.

    Photo: Michael Paulsen / © 2012 Houston Chronicle

Texas -

Harris County Sheriff Adrian Garcia has trained the first of what he expects will be hundreds of private security guards who have signed up to help deputies apprehend wanted suspects, secure crime scenes and search for missing persons.

But officials with the county’s largest deputy’s union are slamming the partnership’s effectiveness and questioning whether Harris County could face legal liability for possible misconduct by the private security guards because of the training.

Garcia announced the partnership Thursday at the sheriff’s office training academy near Humble, where 60 private security guards who passed a background check underwent an eight-hour course in note-taking, crime-scene preservation, threat detection and dispute resolution. Training will be four times a year, and the sheriff said he hopes to have 200 to 300 security officers on board by year’s end.

“It makes sense that we develop a greater coordination between law enforcement and private security so that it ultimately enhances public safety out in the community,” Garcia said. “Because these security professionals are already working in some of the toughest neighborhood and toughest areas, it makes sense.”

 

Harris County Sheriff Adrian Garcia announces the training of private security guards at the Harris County Sheriff’s Academy in Humble on Thursday.

Photo: Michael Paulsen / © 2012 Houston Chronicle

 

Continuing education

Robert Goerlitz, president of the Harris County Deputies Organization, criticized the sheriff’s plan.

“This is nothing but a smoke and mirrors play at saying we’re going to have more boots on the ground, which is ridiculous,” Goerlitz said. “It’s basically a continuing education course for security guards – we’re adding to their education on the county dime.”

The sheriff said the security officers, and their companies, are screened and subjected to background checks and are not being deputized or given enhanced police powers. Garcia said the department will never have the number of officers it would like patrolling, so it has turned to 25,000 local security officers for assistance.

Legal advisers reviewed the partnership, known as Law Enforcement and Private Security (LEAPS), “and we’re satisfied it is a proper use of county funds and resources,” said assistant county attorney Robert Soard.

Larry Karson, a criminal justice instructor at the University of Houston-Downtown, said the partnership has a “great potential” to help criminal investigations.

“The sheriff’s office is trying to develop a partnership with the private industry who are the first responders in many cases to crimes on private property,” said Karson, who was also a federal law enforcement official. “And if they’re trained not to contaminate a crime scene when they discover one, it allows the sheriff’s investigators to better prosecute the case.”

 

Partnership problems

If terrorists attacked a Houston refinery, plant security guards would likely be the first to respond, so training them how to preserve evidence and protect the crime scene would be crucial to any investigation, he said.

But such a partnership could create problems with some guards who may decide to abuse their authority, he added.

“The potential pitfall is some security officer may develop an attitude of wanting to be a law enforcement officer, where they are a cop wannabe and you have the problem that developed in Florida,” Karson said, referring to the recent slaying of an African-American teen by a neighborhood watch officer.

Bob Burt, the past president of the Associated Security Services and Investigators for the State of Texas, said Dallas County has operated a similar program since 1995. Garcia’s program differs by including in-house corporate security officers, as well as those working at industrial plants, he said.

“Our client base … is very much on board,” Burt said, “because they recognize we are increasing our professionalism, our observation skills, in an effort to help law enforcement but certainly not to replace law enforcement.”

The security guards will receive a certificate and a uniform pin to show they were trained by the sheriff’s office, said spokeswoman Christina Garza.

“We certainly don’t want them to carry out law enforcement duties,” Garza said, “but we want them to be the best witnesses, the eyes and ears, to give us the best information to make that arrest.”

 

Direct Link:  http://www.chron.com/news/houston-texas/article/Sheriff-s-office-training-security-guards-3426972.php#photo-2727796

 

Phoenix area police off-duty work gets little agency oversight

 

The Republic

www.AzCentral.com

by JJ Hensley

Mar. 17, 2012

 

 

Maricopa County sheriff’s Sgt. Michael Trowbridge said he felt obliged to obey a lieutenant’s command to take part in a four-hour photo shoot in December 2010.

The photo shoot was set up to promote Lt. Travis Anglin’s side business, which uses off-duty sheriff’s deputies to provide security services to Valley businesses and executives, department reports show.

The shoot at the home of one of Anglin’s clients included frames of Trowbridge in his patrol car. He was on duty throughout, later telling investigators he grew anxious as emergency calls went out in his area.

Charlie Leight/The Arizona Republic

 

Anglin was demoted after that and other incidents, but he still operates his private-security company using off-duty deputies.

Countless officers in the state provide private-security services during their off-duty hours, earning millions of dollars each year patrolling construction sites as well as street fairs and other events. Often, officers run their own firms and employ co-workers and subordinates. They often work in uniform, using taxpayer-funded equipment and vehicles.

For municipalities and policing agencies, these off-duty security jobs can be a benefit and a crime-deterrent, as they result in a greater show of police force on the streets without taxpayers covering the cost of the extra hours. Outside of isolated incidents, few have questioned the work officers do in off-duty patrols.

Numerous recent episodes, though, raised questions about whether policing agencies do enough to track the significant time and money involved in off-duty patrols: Officers have been accused of collecting off-duty pay for patrols they did not perform or performed while on duty, and one officer was murdered during an off-duty job last year. The incidents spurred some agencies to re-evaluate whether they are doing enough to regulate the work.

Cities have an interest in ensuring that outside pay doesn’t compromise officers’ roles as legal enforcers and that officers aren’t working so many hours that they undermine their on-duty abilities.

Law-enforcement experts say many off-duty job arrangements are rife with potential for abuse or misuse of public resources, and they recommend that agencies track the work to limit liability.

An Arizona Republic review of 18 of the state’s largest police agencies shows that many lack adequate systems to track or even be aware of officers’ off-duty jobs, sometimes in spite of the agencies’ own policies that require they limit such work. And for agencies that do track officers’ work closely, that oversight comes with a taxpayer cost.

The examination of policies and employment records showed:

Twelve of the 18 agencies could not account in detail where their officers were working, how many hours they were working or for whom they were working. Only seven could track off-duty payments to officers. Just one-third could provide an exact tally of off-duty hours worked.

Wide variance in off-duty work policies. Some agencies have programs in place that require businesses to reimburse them for off-duty officers’ use of patrol cars and other equipment. Other agencies, like the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office, forbid such use, but lack of oversight leaves it open to abuse, often sticking taxpayers with the tab for the use of public equipment like squad cars instead of the businesses that contract for the work.

Departments increasingly are assuming the costs of administering off-duty work programs for their officers in order to get a grip on how many extra hours they are working and to control whom they work for. But that comes at a taxpayer cost. Some departments now control the payroll functions for off-duty officers. The Chandler Police Department goes so far as to include off-duty pay in their officers’ public paychecks, meaning it also counts as salary in their retirement calculations.

A national accreditation group considers it crucial for agencies to monitor off-duty work. “It lends itself to the potential for some sort of corruption,” said Steven Mitchell, a program manager overseeing Arizona law enforcement for the National Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies.

Last year, off-duty work tracked by large agencies around the Valley and state totaled more than 200,000 hours and earned officers more than $4 million. But the true total is unknown because of poor tracking practices.

Legislative curbs

An increasing number of police agencies and at least one state lawmaker are trying to bring more control to the largely unregulated off-duty police industry following a series of events in the last year involving off-duty Valley police officers.

“You’re using taxpayer-funded vehicles to get to your private-security duties — and the taxpayer shouldn’t be funding it,” said Sen. Linda Gray, R-Glendale. Gray last year sponsored a bill to bar police officers from acting as private investigators, and she is sponsoring legislation this year that, though currently stalled, would similarly bar officers from operating private-security firms.

“It’s an unfair advantage to any other private security out there,” Gray said. “And when you have a supervisor who owns the security company asking subordinates to do surveillance, that is simply wrong.”

In the last year, other concerns have arisen those some officers working off-duty jobs have been wounded and murdered, criminally indicted and accused of improprieties:

One Buckeye officer was killed and another is still recovering from injuries in a shootout while the two officers were working security at a mercado in southwest Phoenix last spring. Even though the officers were off-duty at the time, Officer Rolando Tirado’s family received a full line-of-duty death benefit because he was taking police action at the time he was killed.

After an investigation by the Arizona Attorney General’s Office, three Phoenix police officers and a former officer were indicted in 2010 on suspicion of fraud and theft for alleged roles in a scheme to get paid without performing security work at a south Phoenix housing complex. The case was later sent back to a grand jury, and though charges against the three officers were dropped, the former officer, George Contreras, was reindicted.

Two Maricopa County sheriff’s deputies were placed under internal scrutiny last year as investigators explored the relationship between the deputies, their security companies and work they performed for the Fiesta Bowl. Part of the probe focused on whether the deputies allowed sheriff’s personnel to work the after-hours jobs while they were still on the clock for Maricopa County. The investigation cleared sheriff’s Lt. Aaron Brown, a security-firm owner, of wrongdoing. But it led to Anglin’s demotion after investigators found he had abused his authority and county equipment by sending subordinates on hours-long errands related to his security firm. Investigators said Anglin harassed another subordinate, who also owned a security firm, by trying to get the other deputy to sell his firm to Anglin.

Anglin said last week that he’s proud of the work he’s done with his security firm and that the company allows him to utilize skills he’s gained in law enforcement to fill a need for private businesses and the community.

“The ability and desire for anyone to create and grow a business in this economic time embodies the American, entreprenurial spirit and should be fostered, praised and appreciated,” Anglin wrote in an e-mail. “A peace officer using a knowledge base to create a company does not directly translate to a conflict of interest, it solves problems.”

But the nature of some of problems off-duty work has caused was enough to force some law-enforcement agencies in the Valley to reassess policies governing the work.

Those policies are important to police accreditation organizations, which examine every department’s policies as a part of the accreditation process. Five Valley police agencies — in Chandler, Glendale, Peoria, Scottsdale and Surprise — have been accredited by the Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies, which endorses based on criteria including policies and standards; financial management and oversight; and adherence to constitutional requirements. The agencies reapply for the endorsement every three years.

Accreditation official Mitchell said tight controls on off-duty employment are among the factors considered. Accreditation is viewed as a seal of approval in that it gives taxpayers and other agencies confidence that the organization is well-managed and professional. It also can reduce liability.

“The tighter control they have over it administratively, the better off they are,” Mitchell said. “And if something goes wrong there, you got somebody to point to.”

Accusations of impropriety involving off-duty security work for the Fiesta Bowl were among the factors that prompted the Sheriff’s Office to revisit its off-duty work policies, Deputy Chief Brian Sands said. The agency is examining whether deputies should be allowed to operate private-security firms.

“Do we have a policy failure? I’m not going to say we do,” Sands said.

“What we’re looking at is, is there a propensity to create conflicts like you’re talking about? Already in our policy it says you’re not supposed to do this private business stuff on the job,” he said. “Those kinds of safeguards have been built into this in a lot of areas. We’ve got to look at each one of those areas.”

Experts are careful to note that an outright ban on moonlighting could be as damaging to good law enforcement as bad oversight. The practice, they note, provides an opportunity for uniformed officers in high-traffic and high-crime areas to show their presence and potentially act as a crime deterrent even when they are off-duty.

“If we have businesses out there that notoriously attract problems — it could be Circle Ks or parking lots adjacent to nightclubs — largely, it’s not even the business’ problem, it’s trying to keep control of what’s going on around that business, and that affects the whole neighborhood,” Sands said. “There’s obvious public benefits to all this, and it’s not just trying to get guys employed.”

Buckeye Police Chief Mark Mann said when he took over his agency in 2008, changing the department’s off-duty work policy was among the first items he took to the Town Council. Among the changes Mann implemented was a requirement for off-duty officers to wear their police uniforms when performing security work for private companies.

“We’re doing all that stuff where it brings revenue into the town, but it also shows them that they have that presence, that visibility,” Mann said. “Especially when they’re working like traffic details with ADOT.”

Inconsistencies found

The Republic’s examination of agency policies found inconsistencies in tracking where and how often police officers put in extra hours for private pay.

Surprise police Cmdr. Terry Young said a revised off-duty employment policy could help his department’s administrators increase their oversight of officers.

Right now, the Surprise Police Department relies on supervisors to notice fatigue or other signs that suggest an officer’s off-duty work is affecting on-duty performance.

Young said the department is considering updating its policies with more definitive language that would require supervisor approval of every off-duty job, ensuring that officers obey restrictions that limit them to 24 hours of off-duty work each week.

“The performance of the employees, the conduct of the employees, I mean, we’re not going to let them go perform law-enforcement work anywhere unless we’re comfortable,” Young said. “They have to be fully trained and off of their field-training program. So their performance would be based on how we have trained them to conduct themselves.”

Relying on attentive supervisors and the honor system is not always enough.

The Phoenix Police Department was prompted to scrutinize its administration of the program only after some of its officers were indicted in what was alleged to be an off-duty work scam, and after the department was unable to answer certain questions posed by The Republic about top off-duty employers and wage earners.

“The attorney general’s investigation was the catalyst,” said Sgt. Trent Crump, a Phoenix police spokesman.

“We lacked sufficient internal controls over the off-duty program to administer the program effectively,” Crump said. “It’s hard to do an audit when you don’t have any data.”

The Phoenix Police Department began developing some of its new off-duty policies — including quarterly reports and regular inspections by supervisors — at about the time that the Attorney General’s Office began investigating allegations of off-duty misconduct by a handful of Phoenix officers. The probe was done at the request of Phoenix’s own internal-affairs investigators, who suspected the potential for criminal charges.

Three active officers and a former colleague were indicted in 2010 amid accusations that they pocketed thousands of dollars for off-duty security work that was never done at a south Phoenix housing complex.

The association that manages the complex near 48th Street and Broadway Road was trying to curtail a years-long crime epidemic. Managers contracted with former Officer George Contreras in 2005 to provide security. The complex’s managers filed a complaint with Phoenix police in 2007 alleging that the “off-duty” security force was actually composed of officers briefly checking while still on duty.

The case was sent back to a grand jury in July after a judge found that certain initial testimony might have violated the officers’ due-process rights. Contreras, who has denied wrongdoing, was the only one reindicted in November on fraud and racketeering charges.

The state’s investigation showed that as many as 25 other Phoenix officers were taking money for off-duty hours not worked. Investigative reports indicate they were not formally charged because the amounts involved were minor compared with the cases of officers who were originally indicted.

Crump said the agency’s internal investigation is ongoing. Some of the officers could still be found to have violated office policy, but there are no active officers who are suspected of criminal conduct related to security work at the condominiums.

“We’re not finding, across the board, what I would characterize as misconduct among those officers,” he said.

Monitoring can be costly

As agencies revisit their policies, they — and taxpayers — may find that instituting tighter controls comes at a cost.

The Peoria Police Department, for example, spent $180,000 on a computer system in 2006 to help manage its payroll. The system also makes automatic calls to officers about off-duty assignments, ensuring all officers have equal access to off-duty work instead of allowing a few employees to dole out assignments to favored co-workers or for favored off-duty employers.

It is a trade-off of sorts. Departments seem increasingly willing to spend public money to more carefully oversee off-duty employment of their officers — even providing payroll and accounting services for off-duty work through their departments — if it allows them to ward off abuses and to carefully monitor whom their officers work for and how much extra time they put in.

Phoenix police added new policies and upgraded the department’s technology after the attorney general’s investigation prompted a review. The department in 2009 instituted a policy that prohibits an officer from taking a lump sum from an off-duty employer and dispersing it to other officers who performed the work, said Lt. Tony Lopez, the department’s employment-services bureau coordinator.

In addition, the department requires officers to log in with dispatchers when they report for off-duty job work. It also created an off-duty database that requires dispatchers to enter the information for reports that supervisors review.

In Tempe and Chandler, departments administer payment for off-duty work, which can allow off-duty pay to count toward government retirements. Cities generally justify such costs as part of their oversight role; government watchdogs may disagree.

“It certainly should not count toward the amount of an officer’s pension,” said Clint Bolick, vice president for litigation with the Goldwater Institute, a conservative think tank. “This is totally private.”

Many agencies designate employees to coordinate off-duty work as part of their official assignment. But that does not always ensure adequate oversight.

The Surprise Police Department, for example, administers off-duty employment using computer programs and a collection of employees whose duties include coordination of off-duty work. Yet Young said the agency is unable to tell The Republic who the city’s most frequent off-duty employer is or which of its officers earned the most off-duty pay.

Young said private vendors schedule much of the off-duty police work for Surprise officers, and there were too many of them to track.

That was news to Mitchell, whose national association accredits Surprise as a police agency.

“We require the agencies to authorize and control (off-duty work),” Mitchell said. “If our assessors were there and they had a hard time finding records, they would have an issue with us.”

Surprise’s example notwithstanding, Mitchell said he believes centralized control of off-duty work makes sense, even when there is a taxpayer cost.

“From CALEA’s point of view, you want central control over what’s going on there — the officers are working the authorized amount of hours, for example, and their behavior on the job has some supervision going on there — all the typical administrative things you would want,” he said. “If they dedicate a person full time to do that, so be it.”

Loosely enforced

By contrast, the lack of reliable internal controls in agencies like the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office makes it nearly impossible for supervisors to enforce off-duty work policies, including those designed to keep deputies from working more than 24 hours each week in an off-duty capacity.

At The Republic’s request, the Sheriff’s Office produced more than 6,000 off-duty work permits filed by employees during the past five years. Sheriff’s deputies are supposed to seek approval for every off-duty job by filing a permit with their supervisors that includes employer name, insurance information, location and hours.

An examination of those records showed that deputies often simply wrote “varies” in the field where they were supposed to list the hours they worked or planned to work. Those permits were often valid for six months, leaving supervisors to trust that deputies were following the office’s loosely enforced policy.

Some of those who did list their hours accurately were clearly in violation of the agency’s policies. For example, Deputy Jeff Hanson filed permits several times a year showing he put in 40 hours a week working security at a Cave Creek arts festival after working 30 hours that week as a sheriff’s deputy. He was clearly in violation of agency policy limiting weekly off-duty work to 24 hours.

“That’s a supervisor’s failure there,” Sands, the sheriff’s spokesman, said. “If a sergeant has five to nine people working for him, he’s got to manage all their scheduling.”

Sands said there are benefits to the community when off-duty deputies and officers work at venues, such as Chase Field, because it allows the team or venue to pay the costs of having a professional police force.

“The side benefit is, our deputies earn a little bit of additional money, which they all need,” Sands said.

Anglin told the sheriff’s internal investigators his company, which recruited fellow deputies to work security jobs, grossed about $600,000 in fiscal 2010. The deputy Anglin was found to have harassed about selling his security company told investigators his business grossed between $150,000 and $200,000 a year depending on demand.

Fiesta Bowl records show payments to a company run by Brown, another sheriff’s lieutenant, started at $62,000 a year in 2005 and peaked at $500,000 a year in fiscal 2010. At that point, bowl officials terminated their contract with Brown’s company and began their own internal investigation into bowl spending.

A balance sought

Agencies re-examining their policies hope to balance the need for more control against the freedom of law-enforcement personnel to pursue off-duty work.

“We don’t want to bring in a policy that prevents guys from working off-duty, because that doesn’t do anybody any good,” Sands said.

Control, Sands said, should rest in the hands of a third party who cannot benefit from the largesse of off-duty employment, a conflict that has led to allegations of corruption in other agencies around the country.

“What you don’t want to have is one guy flagging all the off-duty jobs,” Sands said. “He becomes an illegitimate power broker.”

Sen. Gray sees the danger of creating illegitimate power brokers in law-enforcement personnel who occupy dual roles of police officer and security-firm owner. A legislative solution could be on the horizon, she said.

“It is a conflict of interest. Part of that is that if you’re a private investigator, you also, as a law-enforcement officer, have access to taxpayer-funded equipment,” she said. “There’s a demand for certified police officers to work off-duty, and that’s what it should be: off-duty.”

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